robber, chased by the whole human race to the gallows:  and those who pickpocket the life-sweat of nations, rob them of their welfare, of their liberty, and murder them by thousands—­these high-handed criminals proudly raise their brow, trample upon mankind, and degrade its laws before their high reverential name, and term themselves “most sacred majesties.”  But may God be blessed, there is hope for human nature; for there is a powerful, free, mighty people here on the virgin soil of America, ready to protect the laws of man and of Heaven against the execrated pirates and their associates.

But again I am told, “The United States, as a power, are not indifferent; we sympathize deeply with those who are oppressed; we will respect the laws of nations; but we have no interest to make them respected by others towards others.”  Interest! and always interest!  Oh, how cupidity has succeeded to misrepresent the word?  Is there any interest which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right?  Interest!  But I answer by the very words of one of the most distinguished members of your profession, gentlemen, the present Honourable Secretary of State:—­“The United States, as a nation, have precisely the same interest (yes, interest is his word) in international law as a private individual has in the laws of his country.”  He was a member of the bar who advanced that principle of eternal justice against the mere fact of policy; and now that he is in the position to carry out the principle which he has advanced, I confidently trust he will be as good as his word,[*] and that his honourable colleagues, the gentlemen of the bar, will remember their calling to maintain the permanent principles of justice against the encroachments of accidental policy.

[Footnote *:  See the extracts from Mr. Webster’s speech at the Washington Banquet.]

But I may be answered—­“If we (the United States) avow that we will not endure the interference of Russia in Hungary (for that is the practical meaning, I will not deny), and if Russia should not respect our declaration; then we might have to go to war.”  Well, I am not the man to decline the consequences of my principles.  I will not steal into your sympathy by evasion.  Yes, gentlemen, I confess, should Russia not respect such a declaration of your country, then you are forced to go to war, or else be degraded before mankind.  But, gentlemen, you must not shrink back from the mere word war; you must consider what is the probability of its occurrence.  I have already stated publicly my certain knowledge how vulnerable Russia is; how weak she is internally.  But the best clue to you as to what will be her future conduct, if you act decisively, will be gained by examining the extreme caution and timidity with which, in the late events, she felt her way, before she interposed by force.