not either wish or inclination for conquest.  We are content with our native land if it be independent and free.  For the maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the institution of the National Guard.  It is like your militia.  I consider the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth its thorns.  May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my native land, the great institution of a National Guard!

The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the freedom of Europe.  I will prove this in a few words.  The enemy of European freedom is Russia.  Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure Europe against this power of Russia?  I answer:  yes.  You are a nation of twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have one million of brave citizen soldiers.  I hope this may be regarded, then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian encroachments.  Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she is not so strong as people generally believe.  It has taken her whole power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000 men.  Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order of the grave,—­not the order of contentment,—­is kept in Russia itself, only by the armed soldiery of the Czar.  Now, it is not much when I say that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war, and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the greatest struggle it made for existence—­it could not bring more into the field.  The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore, the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be—­should the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon mankind’s neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God to do—­the repression of his power by Hungary.  Not only would it be repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would find powerful allies.  His financial embarrassments are very great, for you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to raise a loan in England.  We should have for our allies the oppressed people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are now enslaved.  First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c.  These are proofs that the might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation fighting in a just cause.  With Hungary once free, Russia would never dare to threaten European liberty again.