Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes, can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on your foreign policy?  There may come, as under the last President, at a late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary.  Russian interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty failed to achieve.  You know the old words, “While Rome debated, Saguntum fell.”  So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty:  it is, that your people will in good time express to your central government what course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the approaching events I have mentioned.  And I most confidently hope that there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded principles.  If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter its institutions and government is a law of nations—­if you acknowledge the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a violation of the law of nations, as you really do—­if you are forbidden to remain indifferent to this violation of international law (as your President openly professes that you are)—­then there is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers whatever to interfere.

But you will perhaps object to me, “That amounts to going to war.”  I answer:  no—­that amounts to preventing war.  What is wanted to that effect?  It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in any country.  Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. James’s into this policy, and declare that the United States are resolved to act conjointly with England in that decision, in the approaching crisis of the European continent.  Such is my FIRST humble request.  If the citizens of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to ratify them to their national government—­if the press would hasten to give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its Minister in England accordingly, and by communication to the Congress, as it is wont, give publicity to this step, I am entirely sure that you would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction of policy.  No power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing relation would be broken or injured:  and still any future interference of Russia against the restoration of Hungary to that independence which was formally declared in 1849 would be prevented, Russian arrogance and preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of Europe soon become free.