His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the paragraph:—­“The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy with which we witness every struggle against oppression, forbid that we should be indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit of freedom in any country.”

Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which I take for my earnest endeavours to benefit the cause of Hungary.  I have only respectfully to ask:  Is a principle which the public opinion of the United States so resolutely professes, and which the government of the United States, with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your Congress to be a ruling principle of your national government—­is that principle meant to be serious?  Indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the insulting opinion, that what the people of the United States and its national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity.  God forbid that I should think so.  Therefore, I take the principle of your policy as I find it established—­and I come in the name of oppressed humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of the United States, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed.

You will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that principle of non-interference with European measures:  but I have found it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when I spoke of what I humbly request from the United States.  I have been charged as arrogantly attempting to change your existing policy, and since I cannot in one speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, I choose on the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental principle:  and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been forced to abandon it—­so much, at least, I hope I have achieved.  My humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by—­I know not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere with European concerns—­this objection is disposed of, once and for ever, I hope.  It remains now to inquire, whether, since you have professed not to be indifferent to the cause of European freedom—­the cause of Hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and effectual assistance and support.  It is, gentlemen.