not to fear any single power on earth.  But look to history.  Mighty empires have vanished.  Let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong.  Victorious over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong even for you!  And be sure they hate you most cordially.  They consider you as their most dangerous opponent.  Absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your country is.  Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists to fanatical effort, which induced your great Statesmen not to extend to Europe the principle on which they acted towards the New World, and by no means the publicly avowed feeble motives.  Every manifestation of your public life in those times shows that I am right to say so.  The European nations were, about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that pestilential atmosphere, when, as Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech about the emancipation of South America, “Paris was transferred to St. Petersburg.”  But scarcely a year later, the Greek nation came in its contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of political indifference for Europe.  You know, your Clays and your Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause.  You know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary:  and again when Poland fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States.

I have shown you how Washington’s policy has been gradually changed:  but one mighty difference I must still commemorate.  Your population has, since Monroe’s time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has increased by millions.  And what sort of men are these millions?  Are they only native-born Americans?  No European emigrants?  Many are men, who though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of relationship, attached to the fate of Europe.  That is a consideration worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in the fate of Central and Southern America.  And really so it is.  The unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in the United States proves that it is so.  Your generous interference with the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so.  And this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people is already avowed as the policy of the government.  I have a most decisive authority to rely upon in saying so.  It is the message of the President of the United States.