There is immense truth in that which the French Legation in the United States expressed to your government in an able note of 27th October past:—­“America is closely connected with Europe, being only separated from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days’ journey, by one of the most important of general interests—­the interest of commerce.  The nations of America and Europe are at this day so dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately felt on the other side.  The result of this community of interests, commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America—­of this frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes as difficult to point out the geographical degree where American policy shall terminate, and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates.  Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the ascendant in Europe and in America?”

It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to urge this, because New York is, by innumerable ties, connected with Europe—­more connected than several parts of Europe itself.  It is the agricultural interest of this great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market.  Now, it is far more to Europe than to the American continent that you have to look in that respect.  On this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate of freedom on the European continent:  for be sure, gentlemen—­and I would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade—­should absolutism gain ground in Europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the way of commercial intercourse with republican America:  for commercial intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the victory of absolutism on the European continent will in no quarter have more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural and commercial interests.  Then why not prevent it, while it is still possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it would then cost?

Even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives to feel interested in the fate of Europe than in the fate of the Central or Southern parts of America.  Whatever may happen in the institutions of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions affected by it.  But let Europe become absolutistical (as, unless Hungary be restored to its independence, and Italy become free, be sure it will)—­and your children will see those words, which your national government spoke in 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were meant, that “the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased, until every vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here.”  And oh! do not rely too fondly upon your power.  It is great, assuredly.  You have