the cause of our people is not sufficiently just to insure the protection of God, and the support of right-willing men—­then there is no just cause, and no justice on earth.  Then the blood of no new Abel will moan towards Heaven.  The genius of charity, Christian love, and justice will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will fall upon morality—­oppressed men will despair, and only the Cains of mankind walk proudly with impious brow about the ruins of liberty on earth.

Now, allow me briefly to consider how your Foreign Policy has grown and enlarged itself.  I will only recall to your memory the message of President Monroe, when he clearly stated that the United States would take up arms to protect the American Colonies of Spain, now free republics, should the Holy (or rather unholy) Alliance make an attempt either to aid Spain to reduce the new American republics to their ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems more conformable to the policy and views of that alliance.  I entreat you to mark this well, gentlemen.  Not only the forced introduction of monarchy, but in general the interference of foreign powers in the contest, was declared sufficient motive for the United States to protect the colonies.  Let me remind you that this declaration of President Monroe was not only approved and confirmed by the people of the United States, but that Great Britain itself joined the United States, in the declaration of this decision and this policy.  I further recall to your memory the instructions given in 1826 to your Envoys to the Congress of Panama, Richard Anderson and John Sergeant, where it was clearly stated that the United States would have opposed, with their whole force, the interference of the continental powers in that struggle for independence.  It is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to protect the independence of foreign States against foreign interference, was restricted to the continent of America; for President Monroe declares in his message that the United States can have no concern in European straggles, being distant and separated from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean.  But I would remark that this indifference to European concerns is again a matter, not of principle but of temporary exigency—­the motives of which have, by the lapse of time, entirely disappeared—­so much that the balance is even turned to the opposite side.

President Monroe mentions distance as a motive of the above-stated distinction.  Well, since the prodigious development of your Fulton’s glorious invention, distance is no longer calculated by miles, but by hours; and, being so, Europe is of course less distant from you than the greater part of the American continent.  But, let even the word distance be taken in a nominal sense.  Europe is nearer to you than the greatest part of the American continent—­yea! even nearer than perhaps some parts of your own territory.  President Monroe’s second motive is, that you are separated from Europe by the Atlantic.  Now, at the present time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Atlantic is no separation, but rather a link; as the means of that commercial intercourse which brings the interest of Europe home to you, connecting you with it by every tie of moral as well as material interest.