Now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the United States, to take the position of a power on earth.  Nobody can hereafter make the people believe that it is possible for America to remain unaffected by the condition of the Old World,—­to advise that the United States shall still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of Europe.  The question to be decided is not whether America shall mix its concerns with those of the Old World; because that is done.  But the question is, whether the United States shall take a seat in the great Amphictyonic Council of the nations or not?  And whether it shall be permitted to some crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place of international law;—­to set up and to upset the balance of power as they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world?  And shall the United States accept whatever the Czar may be pleased to decide about those common concerns?  And shall the United States silently look on, however the Czar may grow upon the ruins of common international law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance?

That is the question.  And that being the question, the people has answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and too evident to be mistaken.  It is already more than a year ago, that a distinguished American diplomatist publicly advertised his fellow-statesmen, “that it is the popular voice which will henceforth decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign policy, before the Executive or Congress can consider them.”  Some have reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the hereditary policy of the United States.  But it is not so.  I did but engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and circumstances.  The finger of the clock only shows the hour, but makes not the time.  And so did I. And allow me to say, that the coming of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my country, was known in America.  Please to read the works of your own distinguished countryman WAYLAND, who for more than thirty years was engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and mind of your rising generation.  You will find that already in 1825, after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon the politics of Europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:—­

“It is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert an influence still more direct on the destinies of men.  Should the rulers of Europe make war upon the principles of our Constitution, because its existence ‘may operate as an example,’ or should a universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the controversy.