Committee under the last resolution—­First Branch:  Henry P. Brooke, John Dukehart, J. Hanson Thomas, David Blanford, John Thomas Morris.

Second Branch:  Jacob J. Cohen, W. B. Morris, Hugh A. Cooper, James C. Ninde, Geo. A. Lovering.

JOHN H. J. JEROME, Mayor. 
JOHN S. BROWN, President of First Branch. 
HUGH BOLTON, President of Second Branch. 
City of Baltimore, State of Maryland, United States of America, Oct. 28,
A.D. 1851.

[After hearing several other—­complimentary addresses, Kossuth in a few minutes replied.  He began with apologies, and then proceeded]:—­

Permit me to say, that in my opinion the word “glory” should be blotted out from the Dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use in respect to nations.  Whatever a man can do for his country, even though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties, would not be too much:  for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives.  Whatever a man can do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of the word “glory” in regard to himself.  Once more, I say, that duty belongs to the man and glory to the nation.  When an honest man does his duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all humanity, and does his duty to mankind.

You have bestowed great attention upon the cause of Hungary, and the subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me.  I declare to you all, that I find more exact knowledge of the Hungarian cause here, than in any other place I have been.  Yet I am astonished to see in a report of the proceedings of the United States Senate, that a member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of Freedom and of Liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient Charter.  This, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause.  There is a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our ancient rights, for the right of self-government is an ancient right.  The right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our kings.  I say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a dead letter in the course of time.  Before the Revolution of 1848 we were long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but the whole people were not interested in them:  for although they were constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a particular race, but to a particular class, called Nobles.  These did not belong to the Magyars alone, but to all the races that settled in the country, to the Sclaves, to the Wallachians, the Serbs, and to others, whatever their race or their extraction.  Yet none but the Nobles were privileged.  We saw that for one class only to be interested in