Well:  I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more than to the Venetians.  True; you have not the right to open any market by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any belligerent who chooses to forbid you.  How could the fact of Hungary or Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the lawful commerce of America with those nations?  On this turns my second principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle; that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it.

Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of Independence as having been legitimate.  My enemies have misrepresented this, as if I desired to be recognized as de facto the Governor of Hungary.  This is mere absurdity.  That is not the question—­am I governor or not governor?  The question is—­was the Declaration of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right—­or was it not?  I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on a similar act.  And if that declaration is made, what will be the consequence of it?  What will be the practical result?  Why, that very moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a national government exists, that very moment the existence of the government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, but into what diplomatic relation we shall come.  And what will be the consequence?  A legitimate commercial intercourse of America.  Then I can fit out men of war—­steamers and everything—­and your laws will not prevent me.  The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the benefit of my country—­and who knows what a benefit it might secure to yourselves?

As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be.  I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws.  Now, to make an armed expedition against a friendly power—­that is forbidden.  But if Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position is lawful.  I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that respect.  I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest authorities in law matters of the United States.