In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for Austria.  Then we had no army—­now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria, forming their weakness and our strength.  Then hostile nations were opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us.  Then no combination existed between the oppressed nations—­now the combination exists.  Then our oppressor took his own time to strike—­when he was best and we were worst prepared:—­now we will take our time and strike the blow when it is best for us and worst for him.  In a word, then every chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul revolted against the boundless treachery;—­now every chance is for us, and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant’s face.  Our very misfortune ensures our success—­because then we had some something to lose, now we have nothing.  We can only gain—­for I defy the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private oppression which is not already inflicted upon us.

But I was upon the question of success.—­When I moot that question—­upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, not with orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to what chance of success we had.  Now, suppose that the United States, taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new Government everywhere—­suppose that it had sent that gentleman with such an instruction to Hungary:  what would have been the consequence?  If the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her last soldier from Hungarian territory,—­If that government had been recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according to your existing international laws.  The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy your cannons, gunpowder, muskets—­everything.  That would have been the case with Hungary.  That legitimate commerce with the people of the United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the navy of the United States in the Mediterranean.  Now, men we had enough—­but arms we had none.  That would have given us arms, and having beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have dictated a peace in Moscow.  But the gentleman was sent to investigate the chances of success.  Upon his investigation Hungary perished.