And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of decisive weight in the issue.

Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in 1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere.  That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in 1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848!

The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim and prepared.  Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848.  Without the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is almost sure.

And as to Russia—­remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to watch, and Circassia to fight.

Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration will be respected, and Russia will not interfere.

Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference, after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe, and so dangerous even to England itself.  We can scarcely doubt, that, if ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the preponderance of Russia.  I have lived in Turkey.  I know what enthusiasm exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be.  Turkey is a match for Russia on the continent.  The weak point of Turkey lies in the nearness of Sevastopol, the Russian harbour and arsenal, to Constantinople.  Well, an English fleet, or an American fleet, or both joined, stationed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this danger without one cannon’s shot; and if this be prevented, Turkey alone is a match for Russia.  And Turkey would not stand alone.  The brave Circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down 80,000 of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow.  And Poland would rise, and Sweden would remember Finland and Charles the XII.  With Hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from her invasion, and Austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support, Russia must respect your protest in behalf of international law, or else she will fall never to rise again.

Gentlemen, I thank you for the patience with which you have listened to this exposition—­long and tedious, because I had no time to be brief.  And begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment: