of the people of Europe, now kept down by military mercenaries, to rise and assert their own rights.  To encourage such efforts is the duty of every free people, and of all that would be free....  Shall our government hesitate to denounce, as a violation of the law of nations, the intervention of the Czar?  Shall it hesitate to declare it a justification of a counter-intervention?...  Our countrymen will not assent to the one-sided doctrine.  They will intervene to lift up those stricken down by intervention,—­

The exiles from Europe—­Liberty and Louis Kossuth.

The band struck up the well-known Marseilles Hymn, and Kossuth, rising to respond, was received with prolonged cheers.  The music having ceased, three hearty cheers were given, and Louis Kossuth responded to the toast and the address in the following remarks, which were received with warm enthusiasm:—­

Gentlemen:  I feel sincerely gratified with the honour of being invited to be present on this solemn occasion, dedicated to the memory of a glorious as well as highly responsible fact in your history.

There is high political wisdom in the custom yearly to revive the memory of civil virtue and national glory in the mind of the living generation, because nothing else is so efficient to keep alive the spirit of patriotism—­that powerful genius, which, like the angels of Scripture, guards with flaming sword the Paradise of national liberty and independence.  Happy the land where the history of the past is the history of the people, and not a mere flattery of kings; and doubly happy the land where the rewards of the past are brightened by present glory, present happiness; and where the noble deeds of the dead, instead of being a mournful monument of vanished greatness which saddens the heart, though it ennobles the mind, are a lasting source of national welfare to the age and to posterity.  But where, as in this your happy land, national history is the elementary basis of education—­where the very schoolboy is better acquainted with the history of his country than in monarchies almost the professors are—­in such a country it would be indeed but a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to dwell upon facts which every child is better acquainted with than he can be.  Allow me therefore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what is the practical philosophy of that great victory which you are assembled to celebrate—­what is the moral of the strain as it presents itself to the inquirer’s mind.

As a man has to pass through several periods of age, each of them marked with its own peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position in life, even so a nation.  A nation has first to be born, then to grow; then it has to prove its passive vitality by undergoing a trial of life.  Afterwards it has to prove its active force to rise within its own immediate horizon.  At last, it must take its proper seat amongst the nations of the world as a power on earth.  Every one of these periods of national life must be gone through.  There is no help for it.  It is a necessary process of life.  And every one of these life-periods has its own natural condition, which must be accepted as a necessity, even if we should not be pleased with it.