in a totally different light. For him there was
no question of the aggrandisement of Piedmont, though
he no doubt felt pride in the thought that the House
of Savoy was to possess the throne of Italy. Austria
was expelled from Italy in 1860, not that Piedmont
might take her place as ruler of the peninsula, but
that Piedmont might disappear in the larger whole
of an emancipated Italy. Austria was expelled
from Germany in 1866 in order that Prussia might rule
undisturbed. Thus, though the Austro-Prussian
War of 1866 was an essential step in the foundation
of the modern German State, its motives and results
were not in the least comparable to those which inspired
and followed the Italian War of Liberation in 1859-60.
In the first place the Austrians were not foreigners
but Germans, whom it was necessary for reasons of
State not of nationality to place outside the rest
of Germany. Germany had, in fact, to choose between
national unity and State unity; and she chose the
latter, partly because Prussia really decided the
matter for her, partly because she realised that the
establishment of a strong German State was the essential
prelude to the creation of a strong united nation.
Austria had to be shut out in 1866 in order that she
might be received back again at some later date on
Germany’s own terms. In the second place
Austria was in no sense the oppressor of Germany as
she had been of Italy. She was simply the presiding
member of the German Confederation who, as the rival
of Prussia, as the inheritor of the mediaeval imperial
tradition, as the ruler of millions of non-Germanic
people, would have rendered the problem of German unification
almost insoluble. It was therefore necessary
to get rid of her as gently and as politely as possible.
After the crushing victory at Koeniggraetz, Bismarck
treated Prussia’s ancient foe with extraordinary
leniency; for he had already planned the Dual Alliance
in his mind; knowing as he did that, though in Germany
Austria might be an inconvenient rival to Prussia,
in Europe she was the indispensable ally of Germany.
And so, though the ramshackle old German imperial
castle was divided in two, and the northern portion,
at any rate, brought thoroughly up to date, the neighbours
still lived side by side in a “semi-detached”
kind of way. It would be a mistake then to call
the war of 1866 a war of deliverance. Indeed,
since the defeat of Napoleon at Leipzig, Germany has
had no such war. That is in a great measure her
national tragedy. Italian nationalism was spiritualised
by the very fact that it had to struggle for decades
against a foreign oppressor, and the foundations of
her unity were laid on the heroic memories of her
efforts to expel the intruder. This spiritualisation,
these heroic memories were Germany’s also in
1813-14, but the opportunity of unification was allowed
to slip by, and when the task was performed fifty years
later it was through quite other means and in a very
different spirit. And yet, though there was no