[Footnote 1:  For evidence of this see Cramb’s Germany and England, p. 25.]

Law, Justice, Responsibility, Liberty, Citizenship—­the words are abstractions, philosophers’ phrases, destitute, it might seem, of living meaning and reality.  There is no such thing as English Justice, English Liberty, English Responsibility.  The qualities that go to the making of free and ordered institutions are not national but universal.  They are no monopoly of Great Britain.  They are free to be the attributes of any race or any nation.  They belong to civilised humanity as a whole.  They are part of the higher life of the human race.

As such the Germans, if they recognised them at all, probably regarded them.  They could not see in them the binding power to keep a great community of nations together.  They could not realise that Justice and Responsibility, if they rightly typify the character of British rule, must also typify the character of British rulers; and that community of character expressed in their institutions and worked into the fibre of their life may be a stronger bond between nations than any mere considerations of interest.  Educated Indians would find it hard to explain exactly why, on the outbreak of the war, they found themselves eager to help to defend British rule.  But it seems clear that what stirred them most was not any consideration of English as against German culture, or any merely material calculations, but a sudden realisation of the character of that new India which the union between Great Britain and India, between Western civilisation and Eastern culture, is bringing into being, and a sense of the indispensable need for the continuance of that partnership.[1]

[Footnote 1:  The reader will again understand that it is British aims rather than British achievements which are spoken of.  That British rule is indispensable to Indian civilisation is indeed a literal fact to which Indian opinion bears testimony; and it is the conduct and character of generations of British administrators which have helped to bring this sense of partnership about.  But individual Englishmen in India are often far from understanding, or realising in practice, the purpose of British rule.  Similarly, the growth of a sense of Indian nationality, particularly in the last few years, is a striking and important fact.  But it would be unwise to underestimate the gigantic difficulties with which this growing national consciousness has to contend.  The greatest of these is the prevalence of caste-divisions, rendering impossible the free fellowship and social intercourse which alone can be the foundation of a sense of common citizenship.  Apart from this there are, according to the census, forty-three races in India, and twenty-three languages in ordinary use.]