be confronted by issues of appalling magnitude.  It is the conjunction of the spiritual and temporal power in a single person which has given the Khalifate its importance, and its expulsion from the Golden Horn would transform its whole political status.  Above all, it is necessary to reckon with the Arab nationalist movement which is already a reality and a factor of permanent importance.  Here, too, the principle of nationality must be applied, though in a very different sense, for national feeling is of course at a much earlier stage of development among the Arabs than in Central Europe.  Hitherto they have accepted the Khalifate of the House of Othman, though without enthusiasm; but recent events are likely to bring to a head the resentment with which they view the spectacle of the Khalif as the helpless tool of a clique which in no way represents Islam.  Will they repudiate him and restore the Khalifate to some more authentic descendant of the Prophet?  Is there to be an independent Arab power?  Will it be practicable to create a central authority amid the virtual anarchy of so vast and primitive a country?  Or will Britain, as the chief Mahommedan power, be obliged to assume a loose protectorate over Arabia and Mesopotamia?  If so, will she share this with the French in Syria, and will Lebanon be able to preserve its autonomy?  Only the course of events can provide an answer to such questions; only one fixed point emerges from the surrounding uncertainty—­the firm pledge of the British Government that the Holy Places of Islam shall be respected.

Even this does not exhaust the possibilities of the immediate future.  Is Palestine to become a Jewish land?  In recent years there has been a steady emigration of Moslem and Christian and an equally marked Jewish immigration, and among other factors in the movement the potentialities of Jewish nationalism in the United States deserve especial notice.  America is full of nationalities which, while accepting with enthusiasm their new American citizenship, none the less look to some centre in the Old World as the source and inspiration of their national culture and traditions.  The most typical instance is the feeling of the American Jew for Palestine, which may well become a focus for his declasse kinsmen in other parts of the world.  The Jews quite realise that they can have no exclusive claim to the possession of such a religious centre as Jerusalem, and it is clear that whatever happens to the Holy Land as a whole, the city itself must be subject to an impartial administration, which would be neither Jewish, Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant nor Moslem in any exclusive sense, but would secure free play to the religious and educational aspirations of them all.  Herzl himself, the founder of modern Zionism, dreamt of Jerusalem as the shrine of all religions and never looked forward to the day when it would be a purely Jewish city.