short-sighted policy in 1878, in annexing the Roumanian
province of Bessarabia as a reward for their valiant
support at Plevna, drove the Roumanians into the arms
of Austria-Hungary, and for a whole generation not
even the perpetual irritant of Magyar tyranny in Transylvania
could avail to shake the entente between Vienna
and Bucarest, strengthened as it was by the personal
friendship of the Emperor Francis Joseph and King Charles.
But the spell was broken by Austria’s attitude
during the Balkan War. The imperious force of
circumstances brought the interests of Roumania and
Serbia into line; for it was obvious that any blow
aimed against Serbia’s independent existence
must threaten Roumania also, just as any weakening
of the Serbo-Croat element in the Monarchy must react
unfavourably on that of the Roumanians and other nationalities
of Hungary. The growth of national feeling within
the two neighbour races has proceeded for some time
past on parallel lines, and even before the war there
were manifest signs that the Roumanians of Hungary,
whose economic and cultural progress since the beginning
of the century has been very rapid, were at length
nearing the end of their patience. The bomb outrage
at Debreczen last February—an event which
is without parallel in Roumanian history—was
the first muttering of the gathering storm. Roumania
occupies a position of extreme delicacy. Her
natural tendency would be to espouse the cause of the
Allies, since they obviously have more to offer her
than their rivals. But the somewhat equivocal
attitude of her statesmen has been determined not merely
by an astute desire to win the spoils of war without
making the necessary sacrifice—a policy
which is apt to overreach itself—but also
by a very pardonable anxiety as to the attitude of
Bulgaria and Turkey. Roumania has hitherto been
the foremost upholder of the Treaty of Bucarest, and
it is only in the event of drastic territorial changes
farther west that she is likely to consent to its
being torn up. She has made no secret of the fact
that she would not tolerate naked aggression against
the Greeks, whether from the Turkish or Bulgarian
side. In view of the political record of King
Ferdinand of Bulgaria and his present Prime Minister,
the Roumanians may perhaps be excused for adopting
an attitude of vigilant reserve; for their statesmen
suspect that Bulgaria is only waiting until the Roumanian
army has crossed the Carpathians in order to reoccupy
the southern Dobrudja. Certain it is that Roumania,
while declining all temptations to join the central
powers, has also rejected the Russian invitation to
occupy the Bukovina, and has actually approached Hungary
with a view to securing the restoration of Transylvanian
autonomy. The Magyars on their part have tried
to buy off Roumania by introducing the Roumanian language
of instruction in many of the State schools of Transylvania—a
wholly inadequate concession which would none the
less have been inconceivable four short months ago.