stable European system by a peaceful “Concert
of Europe” has broken down. Once, in the
Holy Alliance, that Concert itself became an intolerable
tyranny. Many men to-day hope to secure peace
by re-establishing the Concert of Europe on a democratic
basis, but it may well be doubted whether any such
system can be permanent, unless there be a radical
reform in the mind and character not only of European
statesmen but of the European peoples. We shall
discuss this later, but meanwhile we may say this at
least. A balance of power is an imperfect conception.
It is a rough and ready—almost barbarous—policy.
The best that can be said for it is that no alternative
policy has been devised, or at least none has succeeded.
Every one of us who has a spark of idealism believes
that the day will come when it shall give place to
some more perfect system. But at the present
day not only international politics but also home politics
are governed by this idea of a balance of power.
No democracy has yet been able to establish itself
in any country except by virtue of a continual conflict
between class and class, between interest and interest,
between capital and labour, and international conflicts
are but the reflection of the domestic conflicts within
each State; both are continual unsuccessful attempts
to reach a stable equilibrium, and they can only be
ended by a true fusion of hearts and wills.
Sec.4. The Estimation of National Forces.—It
has been necessary to undertake this long discussion
in order to give a more or less clear idea of the
work done by diplomacy in maintaining a stable international
system. Arising out of this we have now to consider
the fourth class of work—and the most difficult—which
the Foreign Office has to perform. For want of
a better name we may call it—
(4) The estimation of national forces. Nations
are not mere agglomerations of individuals; they have
each their own character, their own feelings, and
their own life. Science has done little to determine
the laws of their growth, but, as we have seen, each
nation does grow, reaches out slowly—almost
insensibly—in this or that direction, and
gathers to itself new interests which in their turn
give new impulse to its growth. Perhaps the best
simile that we can use for the foreign policy of the
world is that of a rather tangled garden, where creepers
are continually growing and taking root in new soil
and where life is therefore always threatening and
being threatened by new life. The point is that
we are dealing with life—with its
growth and decay; not with the movements of pieces
on a chequer-board.