in the District.  Calhoun saw and constantly denounced the danger.  He knew the power of public opinion, and saw the rising tide.  Conservatism heeded the warning, and the opposition to agitation intensified all over the South and the North; but to no avail.  New societies were formed; new papers were established; religious bodies began to take position for and against the agitation; the Maine legislature passed in the lower House, and almost in the upper, resolutions denouncing slavery in the District; while the Abolitionists labored incessantly and vigorously to “Blow the trumpet; cry aloud and spare not; show my people their sins,” as to slavery.

In 1840 Van Buren and Harrison, the Democratic and Whig candidates for the presidency were both in the hands of the slave-power; and Tyler, who as Vice-President succeeded to the Executive chair on Harrison’s death, was a Virginian slaveholder.  The ruling classes and politicians all over the land were violently opposed to the antislavery cause, and every test of strength gave new securities and pledges to the Southern elements and their Northern sympathizers.

Notwithstanding the frequent triumphs of the South, aided by Whigs and Democrats from the North, who played into the hands of Southern politicians, Mr. Calhoun was not entirely at rest in his mind.  He saw with alarm the increasing immigration into the Western States, which threatened to disturb the balance of power which the South had ever held; and with the aid of Southern leaders he now devised a new and bold scheme, which was to annex Texas to the United States and thus enlarge enormously the area of slavery.  It was probably his design, not so much to strengthen the slaveholding interests of South Carolina, as to increase the political power of the South.  By the addition of new slave States he could hope for more favorable legislation in Congress.  The arch-conspirator—­the haughty and defiant dictator—­would not only exclude Congress from all legislation over its own territory in the national District, but he now would make Congress bolster up his cause.  He could calculate on a “solid South,” and also upon the aid of the leaders of the political parties at the North,—­“Northern men with Southern principles,”—­who were strangely indifferent to the extension of slavery.

The Abolitionists were indeed now a power, but the antislavery sentiment had not reached its culmination, although it had become politically organized.  For the campaign of 1840, seeing the futility of petition and the folly of expecting action on issues foreign to those on which Congressmen had been elected, the Abolitionists boldly called a National Convention, in which six States were represented, and nominated candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency.  It was a small and despised beginning, but it was the germ of a mighty growth.  From that time the Liberty Party began to hold State and National Conventions, and to vote directly on the question of representatives.