One of these was the tariff question, which gave him great uneasiness.  He opened his eyes to see that protection and internal improvements, so ably advocated by Henry Clay, and even by himself in 1816, were becoming the policy of the government to the enriching of the North.  True, it was only an economical question, but it seemed to him to lay the axe to the root of Southern prosperity.  It was his settled conviction that tariffs for protection would increase the burdens of the South by raising the price of all those articles which it was compelled to buy, and that large profits on articles manufactured in the United States would only enrich the Northern manufacturers.  The South, being an agricultural country exclusively, naturally sought to buy in the cheapest market, and therefore wanted no tariff except for revenue.  When Mr. Calhoun saw that protectionist duties were an injury to the slaveholding States he reversed entirely his former opinions.  And what influence he could exert as the presiding officer of the Senate was now displayed against the Adams party, which had favored his election to the vice-presidency, and of course alienated his Northern supporters, especially Adams, who now turned against him, and as bitterly denounced as once he had favored and praised him.  Calhoun had now both the Jackson and Adams parties against him, though for different reasons.

Up to this time, until the agitation of the tariff question began, Mr. Calhoun had not been a party man.  He was regarded throughout the country as a statesman, rather than as a politician.

But when manufactures of cotton and woollen goods were being established in Lowell, Lawrence, Dover, Great Falls, and other places in New England, wherever there was a water-power to turn the mills, it became obvious that a new tariff would be imposed to protect these infant industries and manufacturing interests everywhere.  The tariff of 1824 had borne heavily on the South, producing great irritation, and very naturally “the planters complained that they had to bear all the burdens of protection without enjoying its benefits,—­that the things they had to buy had become dearer, while the things produced and exported found a less market.”  Financial ruin stared them in the face.  It seemed to them a great injustice that the interests of the planters should be sacrificed to the monopolists of the North.

In the defence of Southern interests Mr. Calhoun in the Senate at first appealed to reason and patriotism.  It is true that he now became a partisan, but he had been sent to Congress as the champion of the cotton lords.  He was no more unpatriotic than Webster, who at first, as the representative of the merchants of Boston, advocated freer trade in the interests of commerce, and afterwards, as the representative of Massachusetts at large, turned round and advocated protective duties for the benefit of the manufacturer.  It is a nice question, as to where a Congressman should