Beacon Lights of History, Volume 12 eBook

John Lord
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 258 pages of information about Beacon Lights of History, Volume 12.

Beacon Lights of History, Volume 12 eBook

John Lord
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 258 pages of information about Beacon Lights of History, Volume 12.

The Whig party was now politically dead, and the Republican party arose, composed of conscientious and independent-minded men from all the old organizations, not afraid to put principle before party, conservative and law-abiding, yet deeply aroused on the great issue of the day, and united against the further extension of slavery,—­organizing with great enthusiasm for a first presidential campaign in 1856, under Fremont, “the Pathfinder,” as their candidate.  They were defeated, and James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, became President; but, accepting defeat as a lesson toward victory, they grew stronger and stronger every day, until at last they swept the country and secured to the principle “non-extension of slavery” complete representation in the national government.

Lincoln, who was in 1857 the Republican candidate for United States Senator from Illinois, while Douglas sought the votes of the Democracy, first entered the lists against his rival at Springfield, in a speech attacking that wily politician’s position as to the Dred-Scott decision.  He tried to force Douglas to a declaration of the logical consequence of his position, namely, that, while he upheld the decision as a wise interpretation of the rights of the slave-owners to hold slaves in the Territories, yet the people of a Territory, under “the great principle of Popular Sovereignty” (which was Douglas’s chief stock in trade), could exclude slavery from its limits even before it had formed a State constitution.  “If we succeed in bringing him to this point,” he wrote a friend, “he will say that slavery cannot actually exist in the Territories unless the people desire it, which will offend the South.”  If Douglas did not answer Lincoln’s question he would jeopardize his election as Senator; if he did answer he would offend the South, for his doctrine of “squatter sovereignty” conflicted not only with the interests of slavery, but with his defence of the Dred-Scott decision,—­a fact which Lincoln was not slow to point out.  Douglas did answer, and the result was as Lincoln predicted.

The position taken by Lincoln himself in the debate was bold and clear.  Said he, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.  I believe this government cannot endure half-slave and half-free.  Either the opponents of slavery will avert the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States,—­old as well as new, North as well as South.”  When his friends objected that this kind of talk would defeat him for senatorship, he replied, “But it is true ...  I would rather be defeated with these expressions in my speech held up and discussed before the people than be victorious without it.”  He was defeated:  but the debates made his fame national and resulted in his being president; while the politic Douglas gained the senatorship and lost the greater prize.

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Beacon Lights of History, Volume 12 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.