It is hard to say whether Jefferson or Hamilton was the wiser in his political theories, nor is it certain which was the more astute and far-reaching in his calculations as to the future ascendency of political parties.  Down to the Civil War the Democrats had things largely their own way; since then, the Republican party—­lineal descendant of the Federals, through the Whigs—­have borne sway until within very recent years, when there has developed a strong reaction against the centralizing tendency compacted by the rallying of the people about the government to resist disunion in 1860-65.

Jefferson became Vice-President on the final retirement of Washington to private life in 1797, when Adams was made President.  The vice-presidency was a position of dignity rather than of power, and not so much desired by ambitious men as the office of governor in a great State.  What took place of importance in the political field during the presidency of Adams has already been treated.  As Vice-President, Jefferson had but little to do officially, but he was as busy as ever with his pen, and in pulling political wires,—­especially in doing all he could to obstruct legislation along the lines laid down by the Federal leaders.  Of course, like other leaders, he was aiming at the presidency, and I think he was the only man in our history who ever reached this high office by persistent personal efforts to secure it.  Burr failed, in spite of his great abilities, as well as Hamilton, Calhoun, Clay, Benton, Webster, Douglas, Seward, and Blaine.  All the later presidents have been men who when nominated as candidates for the presidency were comparatively unknown and unimportant in the eyes of the nation,—­selected not for abilities, but as the most “available” candidates; although some of them proved to be men of greater talent and fitness than was generally supposed.  The people accepted them, but did not select them, any more than Saul and David were chosen by the people of Israel.  Political leaders selected them for party purposes, and rather because they were unknown than because they were known; while greater men, who had the national eye upon them for services and abilities, had created too many enemies, secret or open, for successful competition.  An English member of Parliament, of transcendent talent, if superior to all other members for eloquence, wisdom, and tact, is pretty certain of climbing to the premiership, like Canning, Peel, Disraeli, and Gladstone.  Probably no American, for a long time to come, can reasonably hope to reach the presidency because he has ambitiously and persistently labored for it, whatever may be his merits or services.  In a country of wide extent like the United States, where the representatives of the people and the States in Congress are the real rulers, perhaps this is well.