of a navy, and the mustering of an army of sixteen thousand men, and even induced Washington to take the chief command once more in defence of American institutions.  Although at first demurring to Washington’s request, he finally appointed Hamilton, his greatest political rival, to be the second general in command,—­a man who was eager for war, and who hoped, through war, to become the leader of the nation, as well as leader of his party.  When, seeing that the Americans would fight rather than submit to insult and injustice, the French government made overtures for peace, the army was disbanded.  But Adams never ceased his efforts to induce Congress to take measures for national defence in the way of construction of forts on the coast, and the building of ships-of-war to protect commerce and the fisheries.

In regard to the domestic matters which marked his administration the most important was the enactment of the alien and sedition laws, now generally regarded as Federal blunders.  The historical importance of the passage of these laws is that they contributed more than all other things together to break up the Federal party, and throw political power into the hands of the Republicans, as the Democrats were still called.  At that time there were over thirty thousand French exiles in the country, generally discontented with the government.  With them, liberty meant license to do and say whatever they pleased.  As they were not naturalized, they were not citizens; and as they were not citizens, the Federalists maintained that they could not claim the privileges which citizens enjoyed to the full extent,—­that they were in the country on sufferance, and if they made mischief, if they fanned discontents, if they abused the President or the members of Congress, they were liable to punishment.  It must be remembered that the government was not settled on so firm foundations as at the present day; even Jefferson wrought himself to believe that John Adams was aiming to make himself king, and establish aristocratic institutions like those in England.  This assumption was indeed preposterous and ill-founded; nevertheless it was credited by many Republicans.  Moreover, the difficulties with France seemed fraught with danger; there might be war, and these aliens might prove public enemies.  It was probably deemed by the Federalists, governing under such dangers, to be a matter of public safety to put these foreigners under the eyes of the Executive, as a body to be watched, a body that might prove dangerous in the unsettled state of the country.

The Federalists doubtless strained the Constitution, and put interpretations upon it which would not bear the strictest scrutiny.  They were bitterly accused of acting against the Constitution.  It was averred that everybody who settled in the country was entitled to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” according to the doctrine taught in the Declaration of Independence.  And this was not denied by the Federalists so long as the foreigners behaved themselves; but when they gave vent to extreme liberal sentiments, like the French revolutionists, and became a nuisance, it was deemed right, and a wise precaution, to authorize the President to send them back to their own countries.