servants,—speeches which extorted admiration,
while they humiliated and chastised. I need not
describe the nine years’ prosecution of a great
criminal, and the escape of Hastings, more guilty
and more fortunate than Verres, from the punishment
he merited, through legal technicalities, the apathy
of men in power, the private influence of the throne,
and the sympathies which fashion excited in his behalf,—and,
more than all, because of the undoubted service he
had rendered to his country, if it
was a service
to extend her rule by questionable means to the farthermost
limits of the globe. I need not speak of the
obloquy which Burke incurred from the press, which
teemed with pamphlets and books and articles to undermine
his great authority, all in the interests of venal
and powerful monopolists. Nor did he escape the
wrath of the electors of Bristol,—a narrow-minded
town of India traders and Negro dealers,—who
withdrew from him their support. He had been
solicited, in the midst of his former eclat, to represent
this town, rather than the “rotten borough”
of Wendover; and he proudly accepted the honor, and
was the idol of his constituents until he presumed
to disregard their instructions in matters of which
he considered they were incompetent to judge.
His famous letter to the electors, in which he refutes
and ridicules their claim to instruct him, as the
shoemakers of Lynn wished to instruct Daniel Webster,
is a model of irony, as well as a dignified rebuke
of all ignorant constituencies, and a lofty exposition
of the duties of a statesman rather than of a politician.
He had also incurred the displeasure of the Bristol
electors by his manly defence of the rights of the
Irish Catholics, who since the conquest of William
III. had been subjected to the most unjust and annoying
treatment that ever disgraced a Protestant government.
The injustices under which Ireland groaned were nearly
as repulsive as the cruelties inflicted upon the Protestants
of France during the reign of Louis XIV. “On
the suppression of the rebellion under Tyrconnel,”
says Morley, “nearly the whole of the land was
confiscated, the peasants were made beggars and outlaws,
the Penal Laws against Catholics were enforced, and
the peasants were prostrate in despair.”
Even in 1765 “the native Irish were regarded
by their Protestant oppressors with exactly that combination
of intense contempt and loathing, rage and terror,
which his American counterpart would have divided between
the Indian and the Negro.” Not the least
of the labors of Burke was to bring to the attention
of the nation the wrongs inflicted on the Irish, and
the impossibility of ruling a people who had such
just grounds for discontent. “His letter
upon the propriety of admitting the Catholics to the
elective franchise is one of the wisest of all his
productions,—so enlightened is its idea
of toleration, so sagacious is its comprehension of
political exigencies.” He did not live to
see his ideas carried out, but he was among the first
to prepare the way for Catholic emancipation in later
times.