The following day brought reflection and discontent.  “That is just the character of our Frenchmen,” exclaimed Mirabeau; “they are three months disputing about syllables, and in a single night they overturn the whole venerable edifice of the monarchy.”  Sieyes was equally disgusted, and made a speech of great force to show that to abolish tithes without an indemnity was spoliating the clergy to enrich the land-owners.  He concluded, “You know how to be free; you do not know how to be just.”  But he was regarded as an ecclesiastic, unable to forego his personal interests.  He gave vent to his irritated feelings in a conversation with Mirabeau, when the latter said, “My dear Abbe, you have let loose the bull, and you now complain that he gores you.”  It was this political priest who had made the first assault on the constitution, when he urged the Third Estate to decree itself the nation.

The National Assembly had destroyed feudal institutions; but it had not yet made a constitution, or restored order.  Violence and anarchy still reigned.  Then the clubs began to make themselves a power.  “Come,” said the lawyer Danton to a friend, in the district of the Cordeliers, “come and howl with us; you will earn much money, and you can still choose your party afterwards.”  But it was in the garden of the Palais Royal, and in the old church of the Jacobins that the most violent attacks were made on all existing institutions.  “A Fourth Estate (of able editors) also springs up, increases, multiplies; irrepressible, incalculable.”  Then from the lowest quarters of Paris surge up an insurrection of women, who march to Versailles in disorder, penetrate the Assembly, and invade the palace.  On the 5th of October a mob joins them, of the lowest rabble, and succeed in forcing their way into the precincts of the palace.  “The King to Paris!” was now the general cry, and Louis XVI. appears upon the balcony and announces by gestures his subjection to their will.  A few hours after, the King is on his way to Paris, under the protection of the National Guard, really a prisoner in the hands of the people.  In fourteen days the National Assembly also follows, to be now dictated to by the clubs.

In this state of anarchy and incipient violence, Mirabeau, whose power in the Assembly was still unimpaired, wished to halt.  He foresaw the future.  No man in France had such clear insight and sagacity as he.  He saw the State drifting into dissolution, and put forth his hand and raised his voice to arrest the catastrophe which he lamented.  “The mob of Paris,” said he, “will scourge the corpses of the King and Queen.”  It was then that he gave but feeble support to the “Rights of Man,” and contended for the unlimited veto of the King on the proceedings of the Assembly.  He also brought forward a motion to allow the King’s ministers to take part in the debates.  “On the 7th of October he exhorted the Count de Marck to tell the King that his throne and kingdom were lost,