I say first, that it is rarely that names are altogether fortuitous, and do not correspond to things.  It has often given rise to astonishment that the party of slavery should have taken the name of the democratic party; notwithstanding, nothing was more natural.  How could slavery have been defended if not by exaggerating democracy?  It was necessary, in such a cause, to deny the notions of right, of truth, and of justice; it was necessary that the greater number should become right, truth, and justice.

Something more even was needed.  The sovereignty of the end must yield, if necessary, before the sovereignty of numbers.  A cause like that of slavery is only defended in the heart of a democratic nation, by teaching it contempt of scruples, and the stifling of the conscience.  Every thing is allowable, every thing is good, provided that we succeed in our ends!  This is the rule which it designs shall prevail in political contests.  A single question, seeing nothing but itself, determined to spare nothing, offering itself to parties, whoever they may be, who seek a change, creating factitious majorities to effect the ends of base ambition, taking account neither of honor nor country, and attaining its end through every thing—­this is enough to vitiate profoundly institutions and morals.  The sovereignty of the idea, when it has laid hands on the sovereignty of the people, is in a position to go to great lengths, and to sink very low.  Moral maxims and written laws are trodden under foot, a struggle without pity or remorse begins, a struggle of life and death.  Social passions easily acquire a degree of perversity which political passions do not possess; the former are without conscience and without compassion; they will be satisfied, cost what it may; triumph is in their eyes an absolute, an inexorable necessity.  Rather than not conquer, they will rend the country.

What the regular working of institutions becomes under such a pressure, every one can divine.  For some years past, in proportion as the pretensions of the slavery party had increased, we had seen public morals become tainted in the United States.  Indifference to means had made alarming progress, and had been felt even in the habits of commerce, and the relations of private life.  The spirit of enterprise had come to be exalted even in its most dishonorable acts; respect for bankrupts seemed almost to be propagated.  It is a fact, that men like Mr. Jefferson Davis, the present President of the revolted South, were not afraid to recommend the repudiation of debts.  In the school of slavery, a disembarrassed and unscrupulous manner of acting had given its stamp to the general manner of the nation.  Affairs were going on rapidly, the liberties of America were on the high road to ruin; it was time that the reaction of liberal and honorable sentiments should make itself felt.  The election of 1860 marked the stopping-place.