And this enemy is not one that can be conquered once for all.  Even after the victory, even in times of peace, the threat of servile insurrection will ever remain suspended over the head of the Southern Confederacy; it will be necessary always to watch, always to be on the guard, always to repress, and, to tell the truth, always to tremble.  The planters, whether they know it or not, are not preparing to sleep on a bed of roses.  To labor to accomplish an iniquitous work amidst the maledictions of the universe, to increase their estates and their slaves under penalty of death, and to feel instinctively that they will die for having increased them, to tremble because of European hostility, to tremble because of American hostility, to tremble because of hostility from without and within—­what a life!  That one might accept it in the service of a noble cause, I can comprehend; but the cause of the South!  In truth, this would be taking great pains for small wages.

The South inspires me with profound compassion.  We have told it, much too often, that its Confederacy was easy to found.  To found, yes; to make lasting, no.  Here, it is not the first step that costs—­it is the second, it is the third.  The Southern Confederacy is not viable.  Let us suppose that, to its misfortune, it has succeeded in all that it has just undertaken:  Charleston is free, the border States are drawn in, there is a new federal compact and a new President, the Northern States have of necessity abandoned the suppression of the insurrection by force, Europe has surmounted its repugnance and received the envoys of the great Slave republic.  All questions seem resolved; but no, not a single one has attained its solution.

The policy of the South must have its application.  Its first article, whether it declares it or not, exacts conquests, the absorption of Mexico, for example.  The fillibusters of Walker are still ready to set out, and the first moment past, when the question is to appear discreet, it is scarcely probable that they will meet with much restraint, now that the prudence of the North is no longer at hand to counterbalance the passions of Slavery.

Admit that this enterprise bring no difficult complications.  For these new territories, the question will be to procure negroes.  The second article of the Southern policy will find then nolens volens, its inevitable application:  the African slave trade will be re-established.  The richest planter of Georgia, Mr. Goulden, has taken care to set forth its necessity; mark the language which he held lately:  “You have hardly negroes enough for the existing States; obtain the opening of the slave trade, then you can undertake to increase the number of slave States.”