Their revenues are based on the value of the domestic slave trade, which bears no resemblance to that of the African slave trade.  Ask Virginia or Maryland long to sustain a policy, the result of which would be to lower the price of her slaves in one day from a thousand dollars to two cents!  This is so clearly felt in the extreme South, that the provisional constitution, adopted at Montgomery, is drawn up with an express view to reassuring the producing States on this point.  They are afraid of the African slave trade!  It shall not be reopened.  They are anxious to sell their negroes!  They shall be bought only of those States forming part of the Southern Confederacy.  It belongs to them to ask now whether this Montgomery constitution, adopted for a year, really guarantees any thing to them, and whether it is possible that an attempt will not be made to revive the African slave trade, provided the Southern Confederacy succeeds in enduring.  However this may be, they are held apart by so many causes, that they would only unite to-day to separate to-morrow.  I know well that the passions of slavery rule in many of the border States, especially in Virginia, as violently as in the extreme South.  I do not disguise from myself that the habit of sustaining a deplorable cause in common has created between the border and the cotton States a bond of long standing and difficult to break.  But I say this:  the impulses of the first hour will have their morrow; when the frontier States witness the commencement of those territorial invasions which must necessarily bring the African slave trade in their train; when they know what reliance to place on the fine promises made to-day to attract them; when they perceive that in separating from the North, they themselves have removed the sole obstacle in the way of the flight of all their slaves; when, in fine, they feel weighing upon them, and them first, the perils of an armed struggle and a negro insurrection, they will listen perhaps to those of their citizens who, even now, are urging them to turn to the side of justice—­of justice and of safety.  By the fewness of their slaves, by the nature of their climate, which resembles that of Marseilles and Montpellier, by the kind of cultivation to which their country is adapted, by the number of manufactures which are beginning to be established among them, it seems as if they must be led, or, at least, some day led back, to the policy of union.  This is no discovery:  the seceded States know it already; they form a separate band.  America has not forgotten the retreat of the seven, which, a few months ago, dismembered the Democratic Convention assembled at Charleston.  These seven were South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana; in other words, all those States which were the first to vote for secession.  The same list, with the addition of Georgia and North Carolina, appeared again on the day of the Presidential election:  these nine States alone adopted Mr. Breckenridge as their candidate.