It was next supposed that Mr. Lincoln’s Government had conceived the ingenious project (such things are gravely printed and find men to believe them!) of seeking of itself a rupture with England.  It was in need of new enemies!  It hoped, by this means, to rally to itself its present adversaries!  It was about to give over combating them, and to seek compensation through the conquest of Canada!  I have followed the progress of events in America as attentively as any one, I have read the American newspapers, I have received letters, I have studied documents, among others the famous circular of Mr. Seward; I have seen there more than one sign of discontent with the un-sympathizing attitude of England; I have also seen there the symptoms of the somewhat natural fear which the intervention of Europe in Mexico excites in men attached to the Monroe doctrine; but as to these incredible plans, I have never discovered the slightest trace of them.  I add, that a marked return towards friendly relations with England will be manifested the moment that the latter shows herself more amicable towards America.

If there is any quality for which credit cannot be refused to the Government of Mr. Lincoln, it is precisely that of moderation and good sense.  He has not taken very high ground—­he has abstained, far too much, in my opinion, from laying down those principles, from uttering those words which create sympathies, and make the conscience of the human race vibrate in unison.  Say that he is a little prosaic, a little of the earth, earthy; do not say that he blusters, and that the best thing that England can do is to attack him without waiting to be first attacked.

In order to support, right or wrong, a fable which has found but too ready belief, another story was invented:  the Government of Mr. Lincoln was at the end of its strength; despairing henceforth of conquering the South, it wished at any price to procure a diversion.  Those who hold such language have doubtless never heard either of the Beaufort expedition, or of the evacuation of Missouri by the Confederate troops, or of the victory recently gained in Kentucky.  They do not know that the United States have accomplished the prodigy of putting half a million of men under arms, that acts of insubordination have nearly ceased, that volunteers for three years have everywhere replaced the three months’ volunteers.  They do not know that the finances of the country are prosperous, and that Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, has just negotiated, under favorable conditions, the last part of his loan.  I recommend them to read the last letters of Mr. Russell, the correspondent of the Times; they will see there what an impartial witness thought lately of the respective chances of the North and South.

Yes, before the intervention of the San Jacinto,—­that involuntary ally of the South, to whom the inhabitants of Charleston themselves ought to vote swords of honor—­before the San Jacinto, the situation of the United States presented the most favorable aspect.  Since that time, I admit, it has changed.  Let us see now whether English indignation has not given to the act of Captain Wilkes greatly exaggerated proportions.