of the Mongol inundation, is thus in degree confirmed.  The Hazaras generally are said to speak an old dialect of Persian.  But one tribe in Western Afghanistan retains both the name of Mongols and a language of which six-sevenths (judging from a vocabulary published by Major Leech) appear to be Mongol.  Leech says, too, that the Hazaras generally are termed Moghals by the Ghilzais.  It is worthy of notice that Abu’l Fazl, who also mentions the Nukdaris among the nomad tribes of Kabul, says the Hazaras were the remains of the Chaghataian army which Mangu Kaan sent to the aid of Hulaku, under the command of Nigudar Oghlan. (Not. et Ext. XIV. 284; Ilch. I. 284, 309, etc,; Baber, 134, 136, 140; J.  As. ser.  IV. tom. iv. 98; Ayeen Akbery, II. 192-193.)

So far, excepting as to the doubtful point of the relation between Karaunahs and Nigudaris, and as to the origin of the former, we have a general accordance with Polo’s representations.  But it is not very easy to identify with certainty the inroad on India to which he alludes, or the person intended by Nogodar, nephew of Chaghatai.  It seems as if two persons of that name had each contributed something to Marco’s history.

We find in Hammer and D’Ohsson that one of the causes which led to the war between Barka Khan and Hulaku in 1262 (see above, Prologue, ch. ii.) was the violent end that had befallen three princes of the House of Juji, who had accompanied Hulaku to Persia in command of the contingent of that House.  When war actually broke out, the contingent made their escape from Persia.  One party gained Kipchak by way of Derbend; another, in greater force, led by NIGUDAR and Onguja, escaped to Khorasan, pursued by the troops of Hulaku, and thence eastward, where they seized upon Ghazni and other districts bordering on India.

But again:  Nigudar Aghul, or Oghlan, son of (the younger) Juji, son of Chaghatai, was the leader of the Chaghataian contingent in Hulaku’s expedition, and was still attached to the Mongol-Persian army in 1269, when Borrak Khan, of the House of Chaghatai, was meditating war against his kinsman, Abaka of Persia.  Borrak sent to the latter an ambassador, who was the bearer of a secret message to Prince Nigudar, begging him not to serve against the head of his own House.  Nigudar, upon this, made a pretext of retiring to his own headquarters in Georgia, hoping to reach Borrak’s camp by way of Derbend.  He was, however, intercepted, and lost many of his people.  With 1000 horse he took refuge in Georgia, but was refused an asylum, and was eventually captured by Abaka’s commander on that frontier.  His officers were executed, his troops dispersed among Abaka’s army, and his own life spared under surveillance.  I find no more about him.  In 1278 Hammer speaks of him as dead, and of the Nigudarian bands as having been formed out of his troops.  But authority is not given.

The second Nigudar is evidently the one to whom Abu’l Fazl alludes.  Khanikoff assumes that the Nigudar who went off towards India about 1260 (he puts the date earlier) was Nigudar, the grandson of Chaghatai, but he takes no notice of the second story just quoted.