though it had existed before the French revolution, or the Rights of Man were heard of, as a nest of Jacobins; and they held up the cause, sacred as it was, and though it had the support of the minister, as affording an opportunity of meeting for the purpose of overthrowing the state.  Their cry succeeded.  The very book of the abridgment of the evidence was considered by many members as poisonous as that of the Rights of Man.  It was too profane for many of them to touch; and they who discarded it, discarded the cause also.

But these were not the only circumstances which were used as means, at this critical moment, to defeat us.  News of the revolution, which had commenced in St. Domingo, in consequence of the disputes between the whites and the people of colour, had, long before this, arrived in England.  The horrible scenes which accompanied it, had been frequently published as so many arguments against our cause.  In January, new insurrections were announced as having happened in Martinique.  The negroes there were described as armed, and the planters as having abandoned their estates for fear of massacre.  Early in the month of March, insurrections in the smaller French islands were reported.  Every effort was then made to represent these as the effects of the new principles of liberty, and of the cry for abolition.  But what should happen, just at this moment, to increase the clamour against us?  Nothing less than an insurrection in Dominica.—­Yes!—­An insurrection in a British island.  This was the very event for our opponents.  “All the predictions of the planters had now become verified.  The horrible massacres were now realizing at home.”  To give this news still greater effect, a meeting of our opponents was held at the London Tavern.  By a letter read there, it appeared that “the ruin of Dominica was now at hand.”  Resolutions were voted, and a memorial presented to government, “immediately to despatch such a military force to the different islands, as might preserve the whites from destruction, and keep the negroes in subjection during the present critical state of the slave bill.”  This alarm was kept up till the 7th of April, when another meeting took place, to receive the answer of government to the memorial.  It was there resolved that, “as it was too late to send troops to the islands, the best way of preserving them would be to bring the question of the Slave Trade to an immediate issue; and that it was the duty of the government, if they regarded the safety of the islands, to oppose the abolition of it.”  Accounts of all these proceedings were inserted in the public papers.  It is needless to say that they were injurious to our cause.  Many looked upon the abolitionists as monsters.  They became also terrified themselves.  The idea with these was, that unless the discussion on this subject was terminated, all would be lost.  Thus, under a combination of effects, arising from the publication of the Rights of Man, the rise and progress of the French revolution, and the insurrections of the negroes in the different islands, no one of which events had anything to do with the abolition of the Slave Trade, the current was turned against us; and in this unfavourable frame of mind many members of parliament went into the House, on the day fixed for the discussion, to discharge their duty with respect to this great question.