over whom an unjust and unchristian law recognised
the right of property. But in the Mauritius there
was not, nor is there now, one negro to whom a good
title is clearly provable. The atrocious conduct
of Governors and other functionaries, in conniving
at the Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, had filled that
Colony with thousands of negroes, every one of whom
was carried there by the commission of felony, long
after Slave Trading had been declared a capital crime
by the law of the land, as by the law of nature it
always was. Sir George Murray, when Colonial
Secretary of State, had admitted, that at least thirty
thousand of the negroes in the settlement were nominally
slaves, but in reality free, having been carried thither
contrary to law. He understated it by twenty thousand
or more: yet on all these negroes, in respect
of property, were two millions and more claimed:
for all these the compensation money was given and
taken, which Parliament had lavishly bestowed.
How then was it possible to doubt, that every slave
in the Mauritius should receive his freedom, when the
only ground alleged for not singling out and liberating
this fifty thousand, was the inability to distinguish
them from the rest? If ten men are tried for
an offence, and it is clear that five are innocent,
though you cannot distinguish them from their companions,
what jury will hesitate in acquitting the whole, on
the ordinary principle of its being better five guilty
should escape than five guiltless suffer? The
same is still the state of the case in that most criminal
settlement, which, having far surpassed all others
in the enormity of its guilt, is now the only one
where no attempt has been made to evince repentance
by amendment of conduct. But the Government which
has the power of compelling justice will share the
crime which they refuse to prevent, and the Legislature
must compel the Government, if their guilty reluctance
shall continue, or it will take that guilt upon itself[A].
[Footnote A: It is truly gratifying to state,
that the late Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg,
has, since this was written, given the most satisfactory
assurances of orders having been sent over for immediate
emancipation, in case the former instructions to the
Governor of Mauritius should have failed, to make
the Colonists themselves adopt the measure. Lord
Glenelg’s conduct on this occasion is most creditable
to him.]
The latest act of Thomas Clarkson’s life has
been one which, or rather the occasion for which,
it is truly painful to contemplate; but this too must
be recorded, or the present historical sketch would
be incomplete. He whose days had all been spent
in acts of kindness and of justice to others, was
at last forced to exert his powers, supposed, by some,
and erroneously supposed, to be enfeebled by age,
in obtaining redress for his own wrongs. He whose
thoughts had all been devoted to the service of his
fellow-creatures, was now obliged to think of himself.