yet forgotten. Carlyle says the “partition
of Poland was an operation of Almighty Providence
and the eternal laws of Nature,”—a
key to his whole philosophy, which means, if it means
anything, that as great fishes swallow up the small
ones, and wild beasts prey upon each other, and eagles
and vultures devour other birds, it is all right for
powerful nations to absorb the weak ones, as the Romans
did. Might does not make right by the eternal
decrees of God Almighty, written in the Bible and
on the consciences of mankind. Politicians, whose
primal law is expediency, may justify such acts as
public robbery, for they are political Jesuits,—always
were, always will be; and even calm statesmen, looking
on the overruling of events, may palliate; but to
enlightened Christians there is only one law, “Do
unto others as ye would that they should do unto you.”
Nor can Christian civilization reach an exalted plane
until it is in harmony with the eternal laws of God.
Mr. Carlyle glibly speaks of Almighty Providence favoring
robbery; here he utters a falsehood, and I do not hesitate
to say it, great as is his authority. God says,
“Thou shalt not steal; Thou shalt not covet
anything which is thy neighbor’s, ... for he
is a jealous God, visiting the sins of the fathers
upon the children, to the third and fourth generation.”
We must set aside the whole authority of divine revelation,
to justify any crime openly or secretly committed.
The prosperity of nations, in the long run, is based
on righteousness; not on injustice, cruelty, and selfishness.
It cannot be denied that Frederic well managed his
stolen property. He was a man of ability, of
enlightened views, of indefatigable industry, and
of an iron will. I would as soon deny that Cromwell
did not well govern the kingdom which he had seized,
on the plea of revolutionary necessity and the welfare
of England, for he also was able and wise. But
what was the fruit of Cromwell’s well-intended
usurpation?—a hideous reaction, the return
of the Stuarts, the dissipation of his visionary dreams.
And if the states which Frederic seized, and the empire
he had founded in blood and carnage had been as well
prepared for liberty as England was, the consequences
of his ambition might have been far different.
But Frederic did not so much aim at the development
of national resources,—the aim of all immortal
statesmen,—as at the growth and establishment
of a military power. He filled his kingdom and
provinces with fortresses and camps and standing armies.
He cemented a military monarchy. As a wise executive
ruler, the King of Prussia enforced law and order,
was economical in his expenditures, and kept up a rigid
discipline; even rewarded merit, and was friendly to
learning. And he showed many interesting personal
qualities,—for I do not wish to make him
out a monster, only as a great man who did wicked things,
and things which even cemented for the time the power
of Prussia. He was frugal and unostentatious.