To the Earl Grey.

    November 16,1849.

[Sidenote:  Maintenance of British connection.]

Very much, as respects the result of this annexation movement, depends upon what you do at home.  I cannot say what the effect may be if the British Government and press are lukewarm on the subject.  The annexationists will take heart, but in a tenfold greater degree the friends of the connection will be discouraged.  If it be admitted that separation must take place, sooner or later, the argument in favour of a present move seems to be almost irresistible.  I am prepared to contend that with responsible government, fairly worked out with free-trade, there is no reason why the colonial relation should not be indefinitely maintained.  But look at my present difficulty, which may be increased beyond calculation, if indiscreet expressions be made use of during the present crisis.  The English Government thought it necessary, in order to give moral support to their representative in Ireland, to assert in the most solemn manner that the Crown never would consent to the severance of the Union; although, according to the O’Connell doctrine, the allegiance to the Crown of the Irish was to be unimpaired notwithstanding such severance.  But when I protest against Canadian projects for dismembering the empire, I am always told ’the most eminent statesmen in England have over and over again told us, that whenever we chose we might separate.  Why, then, blame us for discussing the subject?’

* * * * *

    To the Earl Grey.

    January 14,1850.

[Sidenote:  Colonial interests the sport of home parties.]

     I am certainly less sanguine than I was as to the probability of
    retaining the colonies under free-trade.  I speak not now of the cost
    of their retention, for I have no doubt but that, if all parties
    concerned were honest, expenses might be gradually reduced.  I am sure
    also that when free-trade is fairly in operation it will be found that
    more has been gained by removing the causes of irritation which were
    furnished by the constant tinkering incident to a protective
    system, than has been lost by severing the bonds by which it tied the
    mother-country and the colonies together.  What I fear is, that when
    the mystification in which certain questions of self-interest were
    involved by protection is removed, factions both at home and in the
    colonies will be more reckless than ever in hazarding for party
    objects the loss of the colonies.[4] Our system depends a great deal
    more on the discretion with which it is worked than the American,
    where each power in the state goes habitually the full length of its
    tether:  Congress, the State legislatures, Presidents, Governors, all
    legislating and vetoing,