The manner of blaming this action is palpable and easy.  The censure is chiefly directed against that wonderful man, whom, at least in their hearts, his countrymen, I believe, have agreed to regard as the person of brightest genius, and most extensive capacity, that now adorns the British senate.  Has not this person, we are asked, for years attacked the noble lord in the most unqualified manner?  Is there any aspersion, any insinuation, that he has not thrown out upon his character?  Has he not represented him as the weakest man, and the worst minister, to whom the direction of affairs was ever committed?  Has he not imputed to his prerogative principles, and his palpable misconduct, the whole catalogue of our misfortunes?  If such men as these are to unite for the detested purposes of ambition, what security can we have for any thing valuable, that yet remains to us?  Is not this the very utmost reach of frontless profligacy?  What dependence after this is to be placed in the man, who has thus given the lie to all his professions, and impudently flown in the face of that honest and unsuspecting virtue, which had hitherto given him credit for the rectitude of his intentions?

I do not mean for the present to enter into a direct answer to these several observations.  I leave it to others, to rest the weight of their cause upon sounding exclamations and pompous interogatories.  For myself, I am firmly persuaded, that the oftner the late conduct of the Rockingham connexion is summoned to the bar of fair reason, the more cooly it is considered, and the less the examiner is led away by the particular prejudices of this side or of that, the more commendable it will appear.  We do not fear the light.  We do not shun the scrutiny.  We are under no apprehensions for the consequences.

I will rest my argument upon the regular proof of these three propositions.

First—­That the Rockingham connexion, was the only connexion by which the country could be well served.

Secondly—­That they were not by themselves of sufficient strength to support the weight of administration.

Thirdly—­That they were not the men whose services were the most likely to be called for by the sovereign, in the present crisis.

First—­I am to prove, that the country could not be well served but by the Rockingham connexion.

There are three points principally concerned in the constituting a good administration; liberal principles, respectable abilities, and incorruptible integrity.—­Let us examine with a view to these, the other four parties in the British government.  The connexion of the earl of Shelburne, that of lord North, the Bedford party, and the Scottish.  In reviewing these, it is necessary that I should employ a manly freedom, though, at the same time, I should be much unwilling to do a partial injustice to any of them.

It is true, there is some difference between the language of the same men in office, and out of office.  The Bedford connexion, however, have never been conceived to bear an over favourable aspect to the cause of liberty.  They are the avowed enemies of innovation and reform.