Rapacity was not the leading motive of Henry or his minister, but the public welfare.  The measure of suppression and sequestration was violent, but called for.  Cromwell put forth no such sophistical pleas as those revolutionists who robbed the French clergy,—­that their property belonged to the nation.  In France the clergy were despoiled, not because they were infamous, but because they were rich, In England the monks may have suffered injustice from the severity of their punishment, but no one now doubts that punishment was deserved.  Nor did Henry retain all the spoils himself:  he gave away the abbey lands with a prodigality equal to his rapacity.  He gave them to those who upheld his throne, as a reward for service or loyalty.  They were given to a new class of statesmen, who led the popular party,—­like the Fitzwilliams, the Russells, the Dudleys, and the Seymours,—­and thus became the foundation of their great estates.  They were also distributed to many merchants and manufacturers who had been loyal to the government.  From one-third to two-thirds of the landed property of the kingdom,—­as variously estimated,—­thus changed hands.  It was an enormous confiscation,—­nearly as great as that made by William the Conqueror in favor of his army of invaders.  It must have produced an immense impression on the mind of Europe.  It was almost as great a calamity to the Catholic Church of England as the emancipation of slaves was to their Southern masters in our late war.  Such a spoliation of the Church had not before taken place in any country of Europe.  How great an evil the monastic system must have been regarded by Parliament to warrant such an act!  Had it not been popular, there would have been discontents amounting to a general to the throne.

It must also be borne in mind that this dissolution of the monasteries, this attack on the monastic system, was not a religious movement fanned by reformers, but an act of Parliament, at the instance of a royal minister.  It was not done under the direction of a Protestant king,—­for Henry was never a Protestant,—­but as a public measure in behalf of morality and for reasons of State.  It is true that Henry had, by his marriage with Anne Boleyn and the divorce of his virtuous queen, defied the Pope and separated England from Rome, so far as appointments to ecclesiastical benefices are concerned.  But in offending the Pope he also equally offended Charles V. The results of his separation from Rome, during his life, were purely political.  The King did not give up the Mass or the Roman communion or Roman dogmas of faith; he only prepared the way for reform in the next reign.  He only intensified the hatred between the old conservative party and the party of reform and progress.

How far Cromwell himself was a Protestant it is difficult to tell.  Doubtless he sympathized with the new religious spirit of the age, but he did not openly avow the faith of Luther.  He was the able and unscrupulous minister of an absolute monarch, bent on sweeping away abuses of all kinds, but with the idea of enlarging the royal authority as much, perhaps, as promoting the prosperity of the realm.