But the Senate was reluctant to give him the customary rewards for ten years’ successful war, and for adding Western Europe to the Empire.  It was jealous of his greatness and his renown.  It also feared him, for he had eleven legions in his pay, and was known to be ambitious.  It hated him for two reasons:  first, because in his first consulship he had introduced reforms, and had always sided with the popular and liberal party; and secondly, because military successes of unprecedented brilliancy had made him dangerous.  So, on the conclusion of the conquest of Gaul, it withdrew two legions from his army, and sought to deprive him of his promised second consulate, and even to recall him before his term of office as governor was expired.  In other words, it sought to cripple and disarm him, and raise his rival, Pompey, over him in the command of the forces of the Empire.

It was now secret or open war, not between Caesar and the Roman people, but between Caesar and the Senate,—­between a great and triumphant general and the Roman oligarchy of nobles, who, for nearly five hundred years, had ruled the Empire.  On the side of Caesar were the army, the well-to-do classes, and the people; on the side of the Senate were the forces which a powerful aristocracy could command, having the prestige of law and power and wealth, and among whom were the great names of the republic.

Mr. Froude ridicules and abuses this aristocracy, as unfit longer to govern the State, as a worn-out power that deserved to fall.  He uniformly represents them as extravagant, selfish, ostentatious, luxurious, frivolous, Epicurean in opinions and in life, oppressive in all their social relations, haughty beyond endurance, and controlling the popular elections by means of bribery and corruption.  It would be difficult to refute these charges.  The Patricians probably gave themselves up to all the pleasures incident to power and unbounded wealth, in a corrupt and wicked age.  They had their palaces in the city and their villas in the country, their parks and gardens, their fish-ponds and game-preserves, their pictures and marbles, their expensive furniture and costly ornaments, gold and silver vessels, gems and precious works of art.  They gave luxurious banquets; they travelled like princes; they were a body of kings, to whom the old monarchs of conquered provinces bowed down in fear and adulation.  All this does not prove that they were incapable, although they governed for the interests of their class.  They were all experienced in affairs of State,—­most of them had been quaestors, aediles, praetors, censors, tribunes, consuls, and governors.  Most of them were highly educated, had travelled extensively, were gentlemanly in their manners, could make speeches in the Senate, and could fight on the field of battle when there was a necessity.  They doubtless had the common vices of the rich and proud; but many of them were virtuous, patriotic, incorruptible, almost austere in morals, dignified and intellectual, whom everybody respected,—­men like Cato, Brutus, Cassius, Cicero, and others.  Their sin was that they wished to conserve their powers, privileges, and fortunes, like all aristocracies,—­like the British House of Lords.  Nor must it be forgotten that it was under their regime that the conquest of the world was made, and that Rome had become the centre of everything magnificent and glorious on the earth.