not unmindful of the luxuries of home and the charms
of country retirement, and those enjoyments which
are ever associated with refined and favored life.
We read here of pictures, books, medals, statues,
curiosities of every kind, all of which adorned his
various villas, as well as his magnificent palace
on Mount Palatine, which cost him what would be equal
in our money to two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
To keep up this town house, and some fifteen villas
in different parts of Italy, and to feast the greatest
nobles, like Pompey and Caesar, would imply that his
income was enormous, much greater than that of any
modern professional man. And yet he seems to
have lived, like Bacon and our Webster, beyond his
income, and was in debt the greater part of his life,—another
flaw in his character; for I do not wish to paint
him without faults, but only as a good as well as
a great man, for his times. His private character
was as lofty as that of Chatham or Canning,—if
we could forget his vanity, which after all is not
so offensive as the intellectual pride of Burke and
Pitt, and of sundry other great lights who might be
mentioned, conscious of their gifts and attainments.
There is something very different in the egotism of
a silly and self-seeking aristocrat from that of a
great benefactor who has something to be proud of,
and with whose private experiences the greatest national
deeds are connected. I speak of this fault because
it has been handled too severely by modern critics.
What were the faults of Cicero, compared with those
of Theodosius or Constantine, to say nothing of his
contemporaries, like Caesar, before whom so much incense
has been burned?
At the age of forty Cicero became Praetor, or Supreme
Judge. This office, when it expired, entitled
him to a provincial government,—the great
ultimate ambition of a senator; since the administration
of a province, even for a single year, usually secured
an enormous fortune. But this tempting offer
he resigned, since he felt he could not be spared
from Rome in such a crisis of public affairs, when
the fortunate generals were grasping power and the
demagogues were almost preparing the way for despotism.
Some might say he was a far-sighted and ambitious
statesman, who could not afford to weaken his chances
of being made Consul by absence from the capital.
This great office, the consulship, the highest in
the gift of the people,—which gave supreme
executive control,—was rarely conferred,
although elective, upon any but senators of ancient
family and enormous wealth. It was as difficult
for a “new man” to reach this dignity,
under an aristocratic Constitution, as for a commoner
a hundred years ago to become prime minister of England.
Transcendent talents and services scarcely sufficed.
Only generals who had won great military fame, or the
highest of the nobles, stood much chance. For
a lawyer to aim at the highest office in the State,
without a great family to back him, would have been