to fossil conservatism and the thirst of gain, the
spark will pass. The resistance to slavery in
this country has been a fruitful nursery of orators.
The natural connection by which it drew to itself
a train of moral reforms, and the slight yet sufficient
party organization it offered, reinforced the city
with new blood from the woods and mountains.
Wild men, John Baptists, Hermit Peters, John Knoxes,
utter the savage sentiment of Nature in the heart of
commercial capitals. They send us every year some
piece of aboriginal strength, some tough oak-stick
of a man who is not to be silenced or insulted or
intimidated by a mob, because he is more mob than
they,—one who mobs the mob,—some
sturdy countryman, on whom neither money, nor politeness,
nor hard words, nor eggs, nor blows, nor brickbats,
make any impression. He is fit to meet the bar-room
wits and bullies; he is a wit and a bully himself,
and something more; he is a graduate of the plough,
and the stub-hoe, and the bush-whacker; knows all
the secrets of swamp and snow-bank, and has nothing
to learn of labor or poverty or the rough of farming.
His hard head went through in childhood the drill
of Calvinism, with text and mortification, so that
he stands in the New England assembly a purer bit
of New England than any, and flings his sarcasms right
and left. He has not only the documents in his
pocket to answer all cavils and to prove all his positions,
but he has the eternal reason in his head. This
man scornfully renounces your civil organizations,—county,
or city, or governor, or army,—is his own
navy and artillery, judge and jury, legislature and
executive. He has learned his lessons in a bitter
school. Yet, if the pupil be of a texture to bear
it, the best university that can be recommended to
a man of ideas is the gauntlet of the mobs.
He who will train himself to mastery in this science
of persuasion must lay the emphasis of education,
not on popular arts, but on character and insight.
Let him see that his speech is not differenced from
action; that, when he has spoken, he has not done nothing,
nor done wrong, but has cleared his own skirts, has
engaged himself to wholesome exertion. Let him
look on opposition as opportunity. He cannot
be defeated or put down. There is a principle
of resurrection in him, an immortality of purpose.
Men are averse and hostile, to give value to their
suffrages. It is not the people that are in fault
for not being convinced, but he that cannot convince
them. He should mould them, armed as he is with
the reason and love which are also the core of their
nature. He is not to neutralize their opposition,
but he is to convert them into fiery apostles and
publishers of the same wisdom.