fault that all the members could not meet.  At the same time the draft report has passed through the searching examination of all but one member and the report represents the mature deliberations of four out of the five members.  It must be stated at the same time that it does not pretend to be the unanimous opinion of the members.  Rather than present a dissenting minute, a workable scheme has been brought out leaving each member free to press his own views on the several matters in which they are not quite unanimous.  The most important part of the constitution, however, is the alteration of the creed.  So far as I am aware there is no fundamental difference of opinion between the members.  In my opinion the altered creed represents the exact feeling of the country at the present moment.

I know that the proposed alteration has been subjected to hostile criticism in several newspapers of note.  But the extraordinary situation that faces the country is that popular opinion is far in advance of several newspapers which have hitherto commanded influence and have undoubtedly moulded public opinion.  The fact is that the formation of opinion to-day is by no means confined to the educated classes, but the masses have taken it upon themselves not only to formulate opinion but to enforce it.  It would be a mistake to belittle or ignore this opinion, or to ascribe it to a temporary upheaval.  It would be equally a mistake to suppose that this awakening amongst the masses is due either to the activity of the Ali Brothers or myself.  For the time being we have the ear of the masses because we voice their sentiments.  The masses are by no means so foolish or unintelligent as we sometimes imagine.  They often perceive things with their intuition, which we ourselves fail to see with our intellect.  But whilst the masses know what they want, they often do not know how to express their wants and, less often, how to get what they want.  Herein comes the use of leadership, and disastrous results can easily follow a bad, hasty, or what is worse, selfish lead.

The first part of the proposed creed expresses the present desire of the nation, and the second shows the way that desire can be fulfilled.  In my humble opinion the Congress creed with the proposed alteration is but an extension of the original.  And so long as no break with the British connection is attempted, it is strictly within even the existing article that defines the Congress creed.  The extension lies in the contemplated possibility of a break with the British connection.  In my humble opinion, if India is to make unhampered progress, we must make it clear to the British people that whilst we desire to retain the British connection, if we can rise to our full height with it we are determined to dispense with, and even to get rid of that connection, if that is necessary for full national development.  I hold that it is not only derogatory to national dignity but it actually impedes national progress superstitiously