The moment this fact is realised and non-co-operation is effected, this Government must totter to pieces.  If I know that the masses were prepared for the whole programme at once, I would not delay in putting it at once to work.  It is not possible at the present moment, to prevent the masses from bursting out into wrath against those who come to execute the law, it is not possible, that the military would lay down their arms without the slightest violence.  If that were possible to-day, I would propose all the stages of non-co-operation to be worked simultaneously.  But we have not secured that control over the masses, we have uselessly frittered away precious years of the nation’s life in mastering a language which we need least for winning our liberty; we have frittered away all those years in learning liberty from Milton and Shakespeare, in deriving inspiration from the pages of Mill, whilst liberty could be learnt at our doors.  We have thus succeeded in isolating ourselves from the masses:  we have been westernised.  We have failed these 35 years to utilise our education in order to permeate the masses.  We have sat upon the pedestal and from there delivered harangues to them in a language they do not understand and we see to-day that we are unable to conduct large gatherings in a disciplined manner.  And discipline is the essence of success.  Here is therefore one reason why I have introduced the word ‘progressive’ in the non-co-operation Resolution.  Without any impertinence I may say that I understand the mass mind better than any one amongst the educated Indians.  I contend that the masses are not ready for suspension of payment of taxes.  They have not yet learnt sufficient self-control.  If I was sure of non-violence on their part I would ask them to suspend payment to-day and not waste a single moment of the nations time.  With me the liberty of India has become a passion.  Liberty of Islam is as dear to me.  I would not therefore delay a moment if I found that the whole of the programme could be enforced at once.

It grieves me to miss the faces of dear and revered leaders in this assembly.  We miss here the trumpet voice of Surendranath Banorji, who has rendered inestimable service to the country.  And though we stand as poles asunder to-day, though we may have sharp differences with him, we must express them with becoming restraint.  I do not ask you to give up a single iota of principle.  I urge non-violence in language and in deed.  If non-violence is essential in our dealings with Government, it is more essential in our dealings with our leaders.  And it grieves me deeply to hear of recent instances of violence reported to have been used in East Bongal against our own people.  I was pained to hear that the ears of a man who had voted at the recent elections had been cut, and night soil had been thrown into the bed of a man who had stood as a candidate.  Non-co-operation is never going to succeed in this way.  It will not succeed unless we create an