(7) Non-co-operation is futile because people will never respond in right earnest, and reaction that might afterwards set in will be worse than the state of hopefulness we are now in.

(8) Non-co-operation will bring about cessation of all other activities, even working of the Reforms, thus set back the clock of progress. (9) However pure my motives may be, those of the Mussalmans are obviously revengeful.

I shall now answer the objections in the order in which they are stated—­

(1) In my opinion the Turkish claim is not only not immoral and unjust, but it is highly equitable, if only because Turkey wants to retain what is her own.  And the Mahomedan manifesto has definitely declared that whatever guarantees may be necessary to be taken for the protection of non-Muslim and non-Turkish races, should be taken so as to give the Christians theirs and the Arabs their self-government under the Turkish suzerainty.

(2) I do not believe the Turk to be weak, incapable or cruel.  He is certainly disorganised and probably without good generalship.  He has been obliged to fight against heavy odds.  The argument of weakness, incapacity and cruelty one often hears quoted in connection with those from whom power is sought to be taken away.  About the alleged massacres a proper commission has been asked for, but never granted.  And in any case security can be taken against oppression.

(3) I have already stated that if I were not interested in the Indian Mahomedans, I would not interest myself in the welfare of the Turks any more than I am in that of the Austrians or the Poles.  But I am bound as an Indian to share the sufferings and trial of fellow-Indians.  If I deem the Mahomedan to be my brother.  It is my duty to help him in his hour of peril to the best of my ability, if his cause commends itself to me as just.

(4) The fourth refers to the extent Hindus should join hands with the Mahomedans.  It is therefore a matter of feeling and opinion.  It is expedient to suffer for my Mahomedan brother to the utmost in a just cause and I should therefore travel with him along the whole road so long as the means employed by him are as honourable as his end.  I cannot regulate the Mahomedan feeling.  I must accept his statement that the Khilafat is with him a religious question in the sense that it binds him to reach the goal even at the cost of his own life.

(5) I do not consider non-co-operation to be a rebellion, because it is free from violence.  In a larger sense all opposition to a Government measure is a rebellion.  In that sense, rebellion in a just cause is a duty, the extent of opposition being determined by the measure of the injustice done and felt.