of Indians are slowly sinking to lifelessness.  Little do they know that their miserable comfort represents the brokerage they get for the work they do for the foreign exploiter, that the profits and the brokerage are sucked from the masses.  Little do they realise that the Government established by law in British India is carried on for this exploitation of the masses.  No sophistry, no jugglery in figures can explain away the evidence the skeletons in many villages present to the naked eye.  I have no doubt whatsoever that both England and the town dwellers of India will have to answer, if there is a God above, for this crime against humanity which is perhaps unequalled in history.  The law itself in this country has been used to serve the foreign exploiter.  My unbiased, examination of the Punjab Martial Law cases had led me to believe that at least ninety-five per cent. of convictions were wholly bad.  My experience of political cases in India leads me to the conclusion that in nine out of every ten the condemned men were totally innocent.  Their crime consisted in love of their country.  In ninety-nine cases out of hundred justice has been denied to Indians as against Europeans in the Court of India.  This is not an exaggerated picture.  It is the experience of almost every Indian who has had anything to do such cases.  In my opinion the administration of the law is thus prostituted consciously or unconsciously for the benefit of the exploiter.  The greatest misfortune is that Englishmen and their Indian associates in the administration of the country do not know that they are engaged in the crime I have attempted to describe.  I am satisfied that many English and Indian officials honestly believe that they are administering one of the best systems devised in the world and that India is making steady though slow progress.  They do not know that a subtle but effective system of terrorism and an organised display of force on the one hand and the deprivation of all powers of retaliation of self-defence on the other have emasculated the people and induced in them the habit of simulation.  This awful habit has added to the ignorance and the self-deception of the administrators.  Section 124-A under which I am happily charged is perhaps the prince among the political sections of the Indian Penal Code designed to suppress the liberty of the citizen.  Affection cannot be manufactured or regulated by law.  If one has no affection for a person or thing one should be free to give the fullest expression to his disaffection so long as he does not contemplate, promote or incite to violence.  But the section under which mere promotion of disaffection is a crime.  I have studied some of the cases tried under it, and I know that some of the most loved of India’s patriots have been convicted under it.  I consider it a privilege therefore, to be charged under it.  I have endeavoured to give in their briefest outline the reasons for my disaffection.  I have no personal