Lord MONTFORT spoke next to the following effect:—My lords, the motion offered by the noble lord, is, in my opinion, so proper and just, so suitable to the dignity of this assembly, and so expressive of the gratitude which the vigilance of his majesty for the publick good, ought to kindle in every heart not chilled by ungenerous indolence, or hardened by inveterate disaffection, that I cannot discover any reason for which it can be opposed, and therefore hope that every lord will concur in it with no less alacrity and zeal than I now rise up to second it.
It may, indeed, naturally be hoped from this house, that his majesty’s measures will be readily approved, since they are such as even malice and faction will not dare to censure or oppose, such as calumny will not venture to defame, and such as those who will not praise them can never mention. If it be allowed, that the interest of France is opposite to that of Britain, that the equipoise of power on the continent is to be preserved; if any of the counsels of our ancestors deserve our attention, if our victories at Cressy or at Ramillies are justly celebrated by our historians, the wisdom of our sovereign’s conduct cannot be denied.
The French, my lords, whom our armies in the reign of Anne saw flying before them; who, from dividing kingdoms, and prescribing laws to mankind, were reduced to the defence of their own country; who were driven from intrenchment to intrenchment, and from one fortification to another, now grown insolent with the pleasures of peace, and the affluence of commerce, Have forgotten the power by which their schemes were baffled, and their arrogance repressed; by which their fabrick of universal monarchy was shattered, and themselves almost buried in the ruins.
Infatuated with the contemplation of their own force, elated with the number of their troops, the magnificence of their cities, and the opulence of their treasury, they have once more imagined themselves superiour to resistance, and again aspire to the command of the universe; they have now for some time assumed the haughty style of the legislators of mankind; and have expected, that princes should appeal to them as to the highest human tribunal, and that nations should submit their claims to their arbitration; they have already assumed the distribution of dominions, and expect that neither peace shall be concluded, nor war proclaimed, but by their permission or advice.
By this gradation of exorbitant claims and oppressive measures, have they at length arrived, my lords, at the summit of insolence; by these steps have they ascended once more the towering throne of universal monarchy; nor was any thing wanting to complete their plan, but that their ancient rival, the German empire, should be reduced to acknowledge their sovereignty, and that the supreme dignity of Europe should be the gift of the French bounty.
The death of the late emperour, without sons, furnished them with an opportunity of executing their design, too favourable to be neglected. They now imagined it in their power, not only to dispose of the imperial dignity, but to divide the dominions of the house of Austria into many petty sovereignties, incapable singly of opposing them, and unlikely to unite in any common cause, or to preserve a confederacy unbroken, if they should by accident agree to form it.