But these advantages, my lords, are only to be expected from a change of conduct, which change can never be produced by a seeming approbation of the past measures.  I am therefore of opinion, that we ought to address the throne in general terms, according to the ancient practice of this house.

In considering the address proposed, I cannot but conclude that it is too much diffused, and that it would be more forcible if it was more concise:  to shorten it will be no difficult task, by the omission of all the clauses that correspond with particular parts of his majesty’s speech, which I cannot discover the necessity of repeating.

In the congratulation to his majesty upon his return to his once glorious dominions, no lord shall concur more readily or more zealously than myself; nor shall I even deny to extend my compliments to the ministry, when it shall appear that they deserve them; but I am never willing to be lavish of praise, because it becomes less valuable by being prodigally bestowed; and on occasions so important as this, I can never consent to praise before I have examined, because inquiry comes too late after approbation.

Lord CHOLMONDELEY rose next, and spoke to this effect:—­My lords, if the dangers that threaten our happiness and our safety be such as they have been represented; if ambition has extended her power almost beyond a possibility of resistance, and oppression, elated with success, begins to design no less than the universal slavery of mankind; if the powers of Europe stand aghast at the calamities which hang over them, and listen with helpless confusion to that storm which they can neither avoid nor resist, how ought our conduct to be influenced by this uncommon state of affairs?  Ought we not to catch the alarm while it is possible to make preparation against the danger?  Ought we not to improve, with the utmost diligence, the important interval? to unite our counsels for the protection of liberty, and exert all our influence against the common enemies of society, the unwearied disturbers of the tranquillity of mankind?

To what purpose, my lords, are the miseries that the present distractions of Europe may bring upon us, so pathetically described, and so accurately enumerated, if they are to produce no effect upon our counsels?  And what effect can be wished from them, but unanimity, with that vigour and despatch which are its natural consequences, and that success with which steadiness and expedition are generally rewarded?

It might be hoped, my lords, that those who have so clear a view of our present embarrassments, and whose sagacity and acuteness expose them to a sensibility of future miseries, perhaps more painful than would be excited by any present and real calamities, should not be thus tortured to no purpose.  Every passion, my lords, has its proper object by which it may be laudably gratified, and every disposition of mind may be directed to useful ends.  The true use of that foresight of future events, with which some great capacities are so eminently endowed, is that of producing caution and suggesting expedients.  What advantage, my lords, would it be to navigators, that their pilot could, by any preternatural power, discover sands or rocks, if he was too negligent or too stubborn to turn the vessel out of the danger?