It is well known how inconsiderable, in the sight of those by whom the succession was established, Hanover appeared, in comparison with Britain.  Those men, to whom even their enemies have seldom denied praise for knowledge and capacity, and who have been so loudly celebrated by many, who have joined in the last address, for their honest zeal, and the love of their country, enacted, that the king of Britain should never visit those important territories, which we have so solemnly promised to defend, at the hazard of our happiness.  It was evidently their design that our sovereign, engrossed by the care of his new subjects, a care which, as they reasonably imagined, would arise from gratitude for dignity and power so liberally conferred, should in time forget that corner of the earth on which his ancestors had resided, and act, not as elector of Hanover, but as king of Britain, as the governour of a mighty nation, and the lord of large dominions.

It was expressly determined, that, this nation should never be involved in war for the defence of the dominions on the continent, and, doubtless, the same policy that has restrained us from extending our conquests in countries from which some advantages might be received, ought to forbid all expensive and hazardous measures, for the sake of territories from whence no benefit can be reaped.

Nor are the purposes, sir, for which this supply is demanded, the only objections that may be urged against it, for the manner in which it is asked, makes it necessary at least to delay it.  The ministers have been so little accustomed to refusals that they have forgot when to ask with decency, and expect the treasure of the nation to be poured upon them, whenever they shall think it proper to hint that they have discovered some new opportunity of expense.

It is necessary, that when a supply is desired, the house should be informed, some time before, of the sum that is required, and of the ends to which it is to be applied, that every member may consider, at leisure, the expediency of the measures proposed, and the proportion of the sum to the occasion on which it is demanded; that he may examine what are the most proper methods of raising it, and, perhaps, inquire with what willingness his constituents will advance it.

Whether any man is enabled by his acuteness and experience, to determine all these questions upon momentaneous reflection, I cannot decide.  For my part, I confess myself one of those on whom nature has bestowed no such faculties, and therefore move that the consideration of this supply may be deferred for a few days; for if it be now pressed upon us, I shall vote against it, because I do not yet fully discover all the reasons for it, nor all the consequences which it may produce, and I think myself obliged to know for what purpose I give away the money which is not my own.

Mr. VYNER spoke as follows:—­Sir, whatever may be the necessity of maintaining the Pragmatick sanction, or whatever the obligations of national pacts, of which I hope no man is desirous of countenancing the neglect, yet they cannot oblige us to arm without an enemy, to embarrass ourselves with watching every possibility of danger, to garrison dominions which are not threatened, or assert rights which are not invaded.