That this law, sir, will be always executed with the strictest impartiality, and without the least regard to any private purposes, cannot, indeed, be demonstratively proved; every law may possibly be abused by a combination of profligates; but it must, I think, be granted, that it is drawn up with all the caution that reason, or justice, or the corruption of the present age requires.  I know not what can be contrived better than an association of men, unlikely to concur in their views and interests—­a justice of the peace, a lieutenant of a ship, and a commissioner of the navy—­three men, probably unknown to each other, and of which no one will be at all solicitous to desire the rest to unite to commit a crime, to which no temptation can be readily imagined.

This caution, sir, which cannot but be approved, and which surely is some proof of judgment and consideration, ought, in my opinion, to have exempted the bill, and those by whose assistance it was drawn up, from the reproachful and indecent charge of absurdity, ignorance, and incapacity; terms which the dignity of this assembly does not admit, even when they are incontestably just, and which surely ought not to be made use of when the question is of a doubtful nature.

The gentlemen, sir, who are now intrusted with publick employments, have never yet discovered that they are inferiour to their predecessors in knowledge or integrity; nor do their characters suffer any diminution by a comparison with those who vilify and traduce them.

Those, sir, that treat others with such licentious contempt, ought surely to give some illustrious proof of their own abilities; and yet if we examine what has been produced on this question, we shall find no reason to admire their sagacity or their knowledge.

We have been told, sir, that the fleet might properly be manned by a detachment from the army; but it has not been proved that we have any superfluous forces in the kingdom, nor, indeed, will our army be found sufficiently numerous, if, by neglecting to equip our fleet, we give our enemies an opportunity of entering our country.

If it be inquired what necessity there is for our present forces?  What expeditions are designed?  Or what dangers are feared?  I shall not think it my duty to return any answer.  It is, sir, the great unhappiness of our constitution, that our determinations cannot be kept secret, and that our enemies may always form conjectures of our designs, by knowing our preparations; but surely more is not to be published than necessity extorts, and the government has a right to conceal what it would injure the nation to discover.

Nor can I, sir, approve the method of levying sailors by the incitement of an exorbitant reward, a reward to be augmented at the pleasure of those who are to receive it.  For what can be the consequence of such prodigality, but that those to whom the largest sum is offered, will yet refuse their service in expectation of a greater.  The reward already proposed is, in my opinion, the utmost stretch of liberality; and all beyond may be censured as profusion.