Thus, sir, I have shown by what means our fleet may now be equipped, and how a supply of sailors may be perpetuated; for I cannot think how the boys which are educated in charity schools can be more properly employed.  A proportion may be easily selected for the service, who will benefit the publick much more than by serving sharpers and attorneys, and pilfering either at low gaming houses, or in the inns of court.

Since, therefore, it is not pretended, sir, that this bill can be justified otherwise than by necessity, and it appears that supplies may be raised by other means; since, instead of increasing and encouraging seamen, nothing is proposed that does not manifestly tend, by depressing and harassing them, to diminish their numbers, I think it reasonable to declare that I shall continue to oppose it, and hope that every friend of liberty, or commerce, will concur in the opposition.

Sir Robert WALPOLE spoke next, to the following effect:—­Sir, I have considered the bill before us with the utmost impartiality, and I can see no reason to apprehend that it will produce such universal discontent, and give occasion to so many abuses, as the honourable gentlemen by whom it is opposed, appear to suspect.  It is not uncommon, sir, in judging of future events, and tracing effects from causes, for the most sagacious to be mistaken.

The safest method of conjecturing upon the future, is to consider the past, for it is always probable, that from like causes like consequences will arise.  Let us, therefore, sir, examine what injustice or oppression has been hitherto produced by laws of the same kind.

The power of searching, however it is now become the subject of loud exclamation and pathetick harangues, is no new invasion of the rights of the people, but has been already granted in its utmost extent, for an end of no greater importance than the preservation of the game.  This formidable authority has been already trusted to the magistrate, and the nation has been already subjected to this insupportable tyranny, only lest the hares and partridges should be destroyed, and gentlemen be obliged to disband their hounds and dismiss their setting dogs.  Yet, sir, even with regard to this power, thus exorbitant, and thus lightly granted, I have heard no general complaints, nor believe that it is looked upon as a grievance by any, but those whom it restrains from living upon the game, and condemns to maintain themselves by a more honest and useful industry.

I hope, sir, those that think this law for the preservation of their amusement, rational and just, will have at least the same regard to the defence of their country, and will not think their venison deserves greater solicitude than their fortunes and their liberties.

Nor is it difficult, sir, to produce instances of the exercise of this power, for the end which is now proposed, without any consequences that should discourage us from repeating the experiment.  I have now in my hand a letter, by which the mayor and aldermen of Bristol are empowered to seize all the sailors within the bounds of their jurisdiction, which order was executed without any outcries of oppression, or apprehensions of the approach of slavery.