Let no man urge, that this is profusion; that it is a breach of our trust, and a prodigality of the publick money.  Sir, the money thus paid is the price of liberty; it is disbursed to hinder slavery from encroaching, to preserve our natural rights from infraction, and the constitution of our country from violation.  If we vote away the privilege of one class among us, those of another may quickly be demanded; and slavery will advance by degrees, till the last remains of freedom shall be lost.

But perhaps, sir, it will appear, upon reflection, that even this method needs not to be practised.  It is well known, that it is not necessary for the whole crew of a ship to be expert sailors; there must be some novices, and many whose employment has more of labour than of art.  We have now a numerous army, which burdens our country, without defending it, and from whom we may, therefore, draw supplies for the fleet, and distribute them amongst the ships in just proportions; they may immediately assist the seamen, and will become able, in a short time, to train up others.

It will, doubtless, sir, be objected to this proposal, that the continent is in confusion, and that we ought to continue such a force as may enable us to assist our allies, maintain our influence, and turn the scale of affairs in the neighbouring countries.  I know not how we are indebted to our allies, or by what ties we are obliged to assist those who never assisted us; nor can I, upon mature consideration, think it necessary to be always gazing on the continent, watching the motions of every potentate, and anxiously attentive to every revolution.  There is no end, sir, of obviating contingencies, of attempting to secure ourselves from every possibility of danger.  I am, indeed, desirous that our friends, if any there be that deserve that name, should succeed in their designs, and be protected in their claims; but think it ought always to be remembered, that our own affairs affect us immediately, theirs only by consequence, and that the nearest danger is to be first regarded.

With respect to the amendment offered to this clause, I cannot see that it will produce any advantage, nor think any evidence sufficient to justify the breach of our constitution, or subject any man to the hardship of having his dwelling entered by force.

And, sir, I am not entirely satisfied of the impartiality and equity with which it is promised that this law will be put in execution, or what new influence is to cooperate with this law, by which corruption and oppression will be prevented.

It is well known, sir, that many other laws are made ineffectual by partiality or negligence, which remarkably appears by the immense quantities of corn that are daily carried into foreign countries, by illegal exportations, by which traffick I am informed that we obtain most of our foreign gold, which, in reality, is paid us for corn by the Dutch; though it is studiously represented to the nation as gained by our traffick with Portugal.  Who can assure us that this law will not be perverted, after the example of others? and that there will not be wretches found that may employ it to the extortion of money, or the gratification of revenge?