It is well known that gratitude is the foundation of our duty to our country, and to our superiours, whom we are obliged to protect upon some occasions, because, upon others, we receive protection from them, and are maintained in the quiet possession of our fortunes, and the security of our lives. But what gratitude is due to his country from a man distinguished, without a crime, by the legislature, from the rest of the people, and marked out for hardships and oppressions? From a man who is condemned to labour and to danger, only that others may fatten with indolence, and slumber without anxiety? From a man who is dragged to misery without reward, and hunted from his retreat, as the property of his master?
Where gratitude, sir, is not the motive of action, which may easily happen in minds not accustomed to observe the ends of government, and relations of society, interest never fails to preside, which may be distinguished from gratitude, as it regards the immediate consequences of actions, and confines the view to present advantages. But what interest can be gratified by a man who is not master of his own actions, nor secure in the enjoyment of his acquisitions? Why should he be solicitous to increase his property, who may be torn from the possession of it in a moment? Or upon what motive can he act who will not become more happy by doing his duty?
Many of those to whom this bill is proposed to extend, have raised fortunes at the expense of their ease, and at the hazard of their lives; and now sit at rest, enjoying the memory of their past hardships, and inciting others to the prosecution of the same adventures. How will it be more reasonable to drag these men from their houses, than to seize any other gentleman upon his own estate? and how negligently will our navigation and our commerce be promoted, when it is discovered that either wealth cannot be gained by them, or, if so gained, cannot be enjoyed.
But it is still urged, sir, that there is a necessity of manning the fleet; a necessity which, indeed, cannot totally be denied, though a short delay would produce no frightful consequences, would expose us to no invasions, nor disable us from prosecuting the war. Yet, as the necessity at least deserves the regard of the legislature, let us consider what motives have hitherto gained men over to the publick service; let us examine how our land forces are raised, and how our merchants equip their ships. How is all this to be effected without murmurs, mutinies, or discontent, but by the natural and easy method of offering rewards?
It may be objected, sir, that rewards have been already proposed without effect; but, not to mention the corrupt arts which have been made use of to elude that promise, by rejecting those that came to claim them, we can infer from their inefficacy only, that they were too small; that they were not sufficient to dazzle the attention, and withdraw it from the prospect of the distant advantages which may arise from the service of the merchants. Let the reward, therefore, be doubled, and if it be not then sufficient, doubled anew. There is nothing but may be bought, if an adequate price is offered; and we are, therefore, to raise the reward, till it shall be adjudged by the sailors equivalent to the inconveniencies of the service.